|جزء من سلسلة على|
|جزء من سلسلة السياسة|
الاشتراكية هي السياسية ، الاجتماعية ، و الفلسفة الاقتصادية التي تشمل مجموعة من الاقتصادية و النظم الاجتماعية التي تتميز الملكية الاجتماعية ل وسائل الإنتاج .         ويشمل النظريات والحركات السياسية المرتبطة بهذه الأنظمة.  يمكن أن تكون الملكية الاجتماعية عامة أو جماعية أو تعاونية أو قائمة على الإنصاف . بينما لا يوجد تعريف واحد يلخص العديد من أنواع الاشتراكية ،  الملكية الاجتماعية هي العنصر المشترك الوحيد.    تختلف أنواع الاشتراكية بناءً على دور الأسواق والتخطيط في تخصيص الموارد ، وبناءً على هيكل الإدارة في المنظمات ، ويختلف الاشتراكيون حول ما إذا كانت الحكومة ، ولا سيما الحكومة الحالية ، هي الوسيلة الصحيحة لـ يتغيرون.  
وتنقسم النظم الاشتراكية إلى خارج السوق و السوق النماذج.  الاشتراكية غير السوق بدائل أسواق عوامل الإنتاج و المال مع متكامل التخطيط الاقتصادي والهندسة أو المعايير التقنية تقوم على حساب أداء العينية ، وبالتالي إنتاج آلية الاقتصادية المختلفة التي وظائف وفقا لمختلف القوانين الاقتصادية و ديناميكية من تلك الرأسمالية.     نظام اشتراكي غير السوق يلغي عدم الكفاءة و الأزمات المرتبطة تقليدياتراكم رأس المال و الأرباح النظام في الرأسمالية .     و حساب النقاش الاشتراكية ، نشأت قبل مشكلة الحساب الاقتصادي ،   مخاوف الجدوى وطرق تخصيص الموارد ل نظام اشتراكي مخطط .    على النقيض من ذلك ، تحتفظ اشتراكية السوق باستخدام الأسعار النقدية وأسواق العوامل وفي بعض الحالات دافع الربح، فيما يتعلق بتشغيل المؤسسات المملوكة للمجتمع وتوزيع السلع الرأسمالية فيما بينها. سيتم التحكم في الأرباح التي تحققها هذه الشركات بشكل مباشر من قبل القوى العاملة في كل شركة أو تعود على المجتمع ككل في شكل عائد اجتماعي .    الأناركية و الاشتراكية التحررية يعارضون استخدام الدولة كوسيلة لإقامة الاشتراكية، لصالح اللامركزية وقبل كل شيء، سواء لإقامة الاشتراكية غير السوقية أو اشتراكية السوق.  
كانت السياسة الاشتراكية أممية وقومية في التوجه. منظمة من خلال الأحزاب السياسية ومعارضة للسياسات الحزبية ؛ تتداخل أحيانًا مع النقابات العمالية وفي أحيان أخرى مستقلة وتنتقدها ؛ وموجودة في كل من الدول الصناعية والنامية.  الديمقراطية الاجتماعية نشأت داخل الحركة الاشتراكية،  دعم الاقتصادية و التدخلات الاجتماعية لتعزيز العدالة الاجتماعية .   بينما تحتفظ بالاشتراكية اسميًا كهدف طويل المدى ،      منذ فترة ما بعد الحرب ، أصبحت تتبنىالكينزية الاقتصاد المختلط ضمن الرأسمالي المتقدم في الغالب اقتصاد السوق و الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظام الحكم الذي يوسع تدخل الدولة لتشمل إعادة توزيع الدخل ، تنظيم و دولة الرفاه .  تقترح الديمقراطية الاقتصادية نوعًا من اشتراكية السوق ، مع سيطرة أكثر ديمقراطية على الشركات والعملات والاستثمارات والموارد الطبيعية. 
تتضمن الحركة السياسية الاشتراكية مجموعة من الفلسفات السياسية التي نشأت في الحركات الثورية من منتصف القرن الثامن عشر إلى أواخره بدافع الاهتمام بالمشاكل الاجتماعية التي ارتبطت بالرأسمالية.  وبحلول القرن 19 في وقت متأخر، بعد عمل كارل ماركس ومعاونه فريدريك إنجلز ، الاشتراكية قد حان للدلالة على المعارضة للرأسمالية والدعوة ل ما بعد الرأسمالية نظام يقوم على شكل من أشكال الملكية الاجتماعية لوسائل الإنتاج.   بحلول العشرينات من القرن الماضي ، الشيوعيةوقد أصبحت الاشتراكية الديمقراطية الاتجاهين السياسيين المهيمنين داخل الحركة الاشتراكية العالمية ،  حيث أصبحت الاشتراكية نفسها أكثر الحركات العلمانية تأثيرًا في القرن العشرين.  تظل الأحزاب والأفكار الاشتراكية قوة سياسية بدرجات متفاوتة من القوة والتأثير في جميع القارات ، وترأس الحكومات الوطنية في العديد من البلدان حول العالم. اليوم، وقد تبنت العديد من الاشتراكيين أيضا أسباب الحركات الاجتماعية الأخرى مثل حماية البيئة ، النسوية و التقدمية . 
في حين أن ظهور الاتحاد السوفييتي الأولى في العالم اسميا دولة اشتراكية أدى إلى جمعية الاشتراكية وعلى نطاق واسع مع النموذج الاقتصادي السوفياتي ، جادل بعض الاقتصاديين والمثقفين أنه في الممارسة العملية ظيفتها نموذج كشكل من أشكال رأسمالية الدولة   [52 ] أو اقتصاد إداري أو موجه غير مخطط .   يشير الأكاديميون والمعلقون السياسيون وغيرهم من العلماء أحيانًا إلى دول الكتلة الغربية التي كانت تحكم ديمقراطيًا من قبل الأحزاب الاشتراكية مثل بريطانيا وفرنسا والسويد والديمقراطيات الغربية بشكل عام على أنها اشتراكية ديمقراطية .   
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بالنسبة لأندرو فنسنت ، "تجد كلمة" اشتراكية "جذورها في الكلمة اللاتينية sociare ، والتي تعني الجمع أو المشاركة. وكان المصطلح الأكثر تقنيًا في القانون الروماني ثم قانون العصور الوسطى societas . وقد تعني هذه الكلمة الأخيرة الرفقة والزمالة وكذلك الفكرة الأكثر قانونية لعقد رضائي بين الأحرار ". 
ادعى بيير ليرو الاستخدام الأولي لمصطلح الاشتراكية الذي زعم أنه استخدم المصطلح لأول مرة في الجريدة الباريسية لو جلوب في عام 1832.   كان ليرو من أتباع هنري دي سان سيمون ، أحد مؤسسي ما سوف يطلق عليها فيما بعد الاشتراكية الطوباوية . الاشتراكية تتعارض مع الليبرالية مذهب الفردية التي شددت على قيمتها المعنوية للفرد بينما مؤكدا أن يتصرف الناس أو أن تتصرف كما لو أنهم في عزلة عن بعضها البعض. أدان الاشتراكيون الطوباويون الأصليون عقيدة الفردانية هذه لفشلها في معالجة الاهتمامات الاجتماعية خلالالثورة الصناعية ، بما في ذلك الفقر ، القهر واسعة التفاوت في الثروة . كانوا ينظرون إلى مجتمعهم على أنه يضر بالحياة المجتمعية من خلال تأسيس المجتمع على المنافسة. قدموا الاشتراكية كبديل للفردانية الليبرالية القائمة على الملكية المشتركة للموارد.  اقترح سان سيمون التخطيط الاقتصادي والإدارة العلمية وتطبيق الفهم العلمي لتنظيم المجتمع. على النقيض من ذلك ، اقترح روبرت أوين تنظيم الإنتاج والملكية عبر التعاونيات .   تُنسب الاشتراكية أيضًا في فرنسا إلىماري روش لويس ريباود أثناء وجودها في بريطانيا مرتبطة بأوين ، الذي أصبح أحد آباء الحركة التعاونية .  
تعريف واستخدام الاشتراكية تسويتها من قبل 1860s في، لتحل محل associationist ، التعاونية و متنافع التي كانت تستخدم المرادفات في حين الشيوعية سقطت من استخدامها خلال هذه الفترة.  هناك تمييز مبكر بين الشيوعية و الاشتراكية هو أن هذا الأخير يهدف إلى الاختلاط فقط إنتاج في حين أن الأول يهدف إلى الاختلاط سواء الإنتاج و الاستهلاك (في شكل حرية الوصول إلى السلع النهائية).  بحلول عام 1888 ، استخدم الماركسيون الاشتراكية بدلاً من الشيوعيةلأن هذا الأخير أصبح يعتبر مرادفًا قديمًا للاشتراكية . لم يكن حتى بعد الثورة البلشفية أن الاشتراكية هي التي خصصتها فلاديمير لينين على أنها تعني مرحلة بين الرأسمالية والشيوعية. استخدمها للدفاع عن البرنامج البلشفي من النقد الماركسي بأن القوى الإنتاجية الروسية لم تتطور بما يكفي للشيوعية.  الفرق بين الشيوعية و الاشتراكية أصبحت بارزة في عام 1918 بعد حزب العمال الاشتراكي الديمقراطي الروسي إعادة تسمية نفسها إلى الروسية جميع الحزب الشيوعيوتفسير الشيوعية على وجه التحديد يعني الاشتراكيين الذين دعموا السياسة ونظريات البلشفية ، اللينينية وفي وقت لاحق أن من الماركسية اللينينية ،  على الرغم من أن الأحزاب الشيوعية استمرت لوصف أنفسهم بأنهم الاشتراكيين مخصص للاشتراكية.  وفقًا لكتيب أكسفورد لكارل ماركس، "استخدم ماركس العديد من المصطلحات للإشارة إلى مجتمع ما بعد الرأسمالية - الإنسانية الإيجابية ، الاشتراكية ، الشيوعية ، مجال الفردانية الحرة ، الارتباط الحر للمنتجين ، إلخ. استخدم هذه المصطلحات بشكل متبادل تمامًا. الفكرة القائلة بأن" الاشتراكية "و" الشيوعية " "مراحل تاريخية متميزة غريبة على عمله ولم تدخل قاموس الماركسية إلا بعد وفاته". 
في أوروبا المسيحية ، كان يعتقد أن الشيوعيين قد تبنوا الإلحاد . في إنجلترا البروتستانتية ، كانت الشيوعية قريبة جدًا من طقوس الشركة الرومانية الكاثوليكية ، وبالتالي كان الاشتراكي هو المصطلح المفضل.  جادل إنجلز أنه في عام 1848 ، عندما نُشر البيان الشيوعي ، كانت الاشتراكية محترمة في أوروبا بينما الشيوعية لم تكن كذلك. كان الأوينيون في إنجلترا والفورييه في فرنسا يعتبرون اشتراكيين محترمين بينما حركات الطبقة العاملة التي "أعلنت ضرورة التغيير الاجتماعي الشامل" كانت تدل على أنها شيوعية.. أنتج هذا الفرع من الاشتراكية العمل الشيوعي لإتيان كابيه في فرنسا وويلهلم ويتلينغ في ألمانيا.  ناقش الفيلسوف البريطاني الأخلاقي جون ستيوارت ميل شكلاً من أشكال الاشتراكية الاقتصادية في سياق ليبرالي سيعرف فيما بعد بالاشتراكية الليبرالية . في طبعات لاحقة من كتابه مبادئ الاقتصاد السياسي (1848) ، جادل ميل كذلك بأنه "فيما يتعلق بالنظرية الاقتصادية ، لا يوجد شيء من حيث المبدأ في النظرية الاقتصادية يمنع نظامًا اقتصاديًا قائمًا على السياسات الاشتراكية"   وعززت استبدال الرأسمالية التجارية مع تعاونيات العمال . بينما نظر الديمقراطيون إلى ثورات 1848 على أنها ثورة ديمقراطية تضمن على المدى الطويل الحرية والمساواة والأخوة ، استنكر الماركسيون ذلك باعتباره خيانةلمثل الطبقة العاملة من قبل برجوازية غير مبالية بالبروليتاريا . 
النماذج والأفكار الاشتراكية التي تتبنى الملكية العامة أو العامة موجودة منذ العصور القديمة. وصف بعض العلماء اقتصاد القرن الثالث قبل الميلاد الإمبراطورية الموريانية في الهند ، وهي ملكية مطلقة ، على أنها "ملكية اجتماعية" و "نوع من اشتراكية الدولة" بسبب "تأميم الصناعات".   وقد اقترح علماء آخرون أن عناصر من الفكر الاشتراكي كانت موجودة في السياسة الكلاسيكية الفلاسفة اليونانيين أفلاطون  و أرسطو .  مازداك الأصغر (توفي 524 أو 528 م) ، اشتراكي جماعي فارسي ،  أسس الممتلكات الجماعية ودافع عن الصالح العام.أبو ذر آل الغفري ، وهو رفيق من محمد ، وينسب لمؤلفين متعددة باعتباره سابقة الرئيسي لل اشتراكية الإسلامية .      كثيرًا ما توصف تعاليم يسوع بأنها اشتراكية ، وخاصة من قبل الاشتراكيين المسيحيين.  يسجل كتاب أعمال الرسل 4:35 أنه في الكنيسة الأولى في أورشليم "[لا] ادعى أحد أن أيًا من ممتلكاتهم كان ملكًا لهم" ، على الرغم من أن هذا النمط سرعان ما يختفي من تاريخ الكنيسة إلا في الرهبنة . الاشتراكية المسيحيةكان واحدا من المواضيع تأسيس البريطانية حزب العمال ، وادعى أن تبدأ الانتفاضة من وات تايلر و جون بول في القرن ال14 م.  وبعد الثورة الفرنسية ، والناشطين والمنظرين مثل فرانسوا نويل بابوف ، إتيين غابرييل موريلي ، فيليب بوناروتي و أوغست بلانكي أثرت أوائل العمل والاشتراكية الحركات الفرنسية.  في بريطانيا ، اقترح توماس باين خطة مفصلة لفرض ضرائب على مالكي العقارات لدفع احتياجات الفقراء في العدالة الزراعية .بينما كتب تشارلز هول "آثار الحضارة على الناس في الدول الأوروبية" ، مستنكرًا تأثيرات الرأسمالية على الفقراء في عصره.  أثر هذا العمل على المخططات الطوباوية لتوماس سبنس . 
تطورت أولى الحركات الاشتراكية الواعية بذاتها في عشرينيات وثلاثينيات القرن التاسع عشر. فورييه ، Owenites و سان Simonians وقدمت سلسلة من التحليلات والتفسيرات من المجتمع. تداخل الأوينيون بشكل خاص مع حركات الطبقة العاملة الأخرى مثل الجارتيين في المملكة المتحدة.  جمع الجارتيون أعدادًا كبيرة حول ميثاق الشعب لعام 1838 الذي سعى إلى إصلاحات ديمقراطية تركز على توسيع حق الاقتراع لجميع الذكور البالغين. دعا قادة الحركة إلى توزيع أكثر إنصافًا للدخل وظروف معيشية أفضل للطبقات العاملة. النقابات الأولى والتعاونية الاستهلاكيةاتبعت المجتمعات الحركة الشارتية.  اقترح بيير جوزيف برودون فلسفته في التبادلية التي "لكل فرد مطالبة متساوية ، إما بمفرده أو كجزء من تعاونية صغيرة ، في امتلاك واستخدام الأراضي والموارد الأخرى حسب الحاجة لكسب العيش".  تيارات أخرى من وحي الاشتراكية المسيحية "في كثير من الأحيان في بريطانيا ومن ثم عادة الخروج من السياسة الليبرالية اليسار ورومانسية مكافحة التصنيعية"  والتي أنتجت نظريات مثل ادوارد بيلامي ، تشارلز كينجسلي و فريدريك دينيسون موريس . 
فضل المدافعون الأوائل عن الاشتراكية التسوية الاجتماعية من أجل إنشاء مجتمع قائم على الجدارة أو التكنوقراط على أساس المواهب الفردية.  كان هنري دي سان سيمون مفتونًا بإمكانيات العلم والتكنولوجيا ودافع عن مجتمع اشتراكي يقضي على الجوانب غير المنظمة للرأسمالية القائمة على تكافؤ الفرص.  [ مصدر غير موثوق؟ ] سعى إلى مجتمع يتم فيه تصنيف كل شخص وفقًا لقدراته ومكافأته وفقًا لعمله.  كان تركيزه الأساسي على الكفاءة الإدارية والصناعية والاعتقاد بأن العلم ضروري للتقدم. ترافق ذلك مع رغبة في اقتصاد منظم بشكل عقلاني قائم على التخطيط وموجه نحو التقدم العلمي والمادي على نطاق واسع.  قام مفكرون اشتراكيون آخرون مثل تشارلز هول وتوماس هودجكين ببناء أفكارهم على نظريات ديفيد ريكاردو الاقتصادية. لقد استنتجوا أن قيمة توازن السلع تقارب الأسعار التي يتقاضاها المنتج عندما تكون تلك السلع في حالة عرض مرن وأن أسعار المنتج هذه تتوافق مع العمالة المجسدة - تكلفة العمالة (بشكل أساسي الأجور المدفوعة) المطلوبة لإنتاج السلع. . نظر الاشتراكيون الريكارديون إلى الربح والفائدة والإيجار كخصم من قيمة التبادل هذه. [ بحاجة لمصدر]
كان النقاد الاجتماعيون في أوروبا الغربية ، بما في ذلك لويس بلانك ، وتشارلز فورييه ، وتشارلز هول ، وروبرت أوين ، وبيير جوزيف برودون ، وسان سيمون ، أول الاشتراكيين المعاصرين الذين انتقدوا الفقر وعدم المساواة في الثورة الصناعية . لقد دافعوا عن الإصلاح ، حيث دعا أوين إلى تحويل المجتمع إلى مجتمعات صغيرة بدون ملكية خاصة . كانت مساهمة أوين في الاشتراكية الحديثة هي ادعائه أن الأفعال والخصائص الفردية كانت تحدد إلى حد كبير من خلال بيئتهم الاجتماعية.  من ناحية أخرى ، دافع فورييه عن Phalanstères (المجتمعات التي تحترم الرغبات الفردية ، بما في ذلك الميول الجنسية) ، والانتماءات والإبداع ورأوا أن العمل يجب أن يكون ممتعًا للناس.  تم تطبيق أفكار أوين وفورييه في مجتمعات مقصودة في جميع أنحاء أوروبا وأمريكا الشمالية في منتصف القرن التاسع عشر.
كانت كومونة باريس حكومة حكمت باريس من 18 مارس (رسميًا ، من 28 مارس) إلى 28 مايو 1871. كانت الكومونة نتيجة انتفاضة في باريس بعد هزيمة فرنسا في الحرب الفرنسية البروسية . أجريت انتخابات الكومونة في 26 مارس. لقد انتخبوا مجلسًا محليًا من 92 عضوًا ، عضو واحد لكل 20.000 ساكن.  على الرغم من الخلافات الداخلية ، بدأ المجلس في تنظيم الخدمات العامة. وقد توصل إلى توافق في الآراء حول سياسات معينة تميل نحو ديمقراطية اجتماعية ديمقراطية تقدمية وعلمانية وديمقراطية للغاية .
نظرًا لأن الكومونة كانت قادرة على الاجتماع في أقل من 60 يومًا في المجموع ، فقد تم تنفيذ عدد قليل فقط من المراسيم. وشملت هذه الفصل بين الكنيسة والدولة . الإعفاء من الإيجارات المستحقة عن فترة الحصار (التي تم خلالها تعليق الدفع) ؛ إلغاء العمل الليلي في مئات المخابز في باريس . منح معاشات لأصحاب وأبناء الحرس الوطني غير المتزوجين الذين قتلوا أثناء الخدمة الفعلية ؛ والإرجاع الحر لجميع أدوات ومستلزمات العمال المنزلية التي تصل قيمتها إلى 20 فرنكاً التي تم التعهد بها خلال فترة الحصار.  كانت الكومونة قلقة من أن العمال المهرة أجبروا على رهن أدواتهم أثناء الحرب. تأجيل الديون التجاريةالالتزامات وإلغاء الفوائد على الديون ؛ و الحق للعاملين في تولي وتشغيل مؤسسة إذا كانت مهجورة من قبل صاحبها. ومع ذلك ، اعترفت الكومونة بحق المالك السابق في التعويض. 
في عام 1864 ، تم تأسيس First International في لندن. أنه وحد التيارات الثورية المختلفة، بما في ذلك الاشتراكيين مثل أتباع الفرنسية برودون،  البلانكيين ، Philadelphes ، الإنجليزية النقابيين و الاشتراكيين الديمقراطيين . في عامي 1865 و 1866 ، عقدت مؤتمرًا تمهيديًا وعقدت أول مؤتمر لها في جنيف ، على التوالي. بسبب تنوع فلسفاتهم ، اندلع الصراع على الفور. جاءت الاعتراضات الأولى على ماركس من التبادليين الذين عارضوا اشتراكية الدولة . بعد وقت قصير من انضمام ميخائيل باكونين وأتباعه في عام 1868 ، أصبحت الأممية الأولى مستقطبة في معسكرات بقيادة ماركس وباكونين. ظهرت أوضح الاختلافات بين المجموعات حول الاستراتيجيات المقترحة لتحقيق رؤاهم. أصبحت الأممية الأولى أول منتدى دولي رئيسي لنشر الأفكار الاشتراكية.
كان يُطلق على أتباع باكونين اسم جماعيين وسعى إلى تجميع الملكية الجماعية لوسائل الإنتاج مع الاحتفاظ بالدفع المتناسب مع كمية ونوع العمل لكل فرد. مثل Proudhonists ، أكدوا على حق كل فرد في ناتج عمله وفي الحصول على أجر مقابل مساهمته الخاصة في الإنتاج. على النقيض من ذلك ، سعى اللاسلطويون الشيوعيون إلى الملكية الجماعية لكل من وسائل ومنتجات العمل. مثل إريكو مالاتيستابعبارة أخرى ، "بدلاً من المخاطرة بإحداث ارتباك في محاولة التمييز بين ما نفعله أنا وأنت ، دعنا نعمل جميعًا ونضع كل شيء مشتركًا. وبهذه الطريقة ، سيعطي كل فرد للمجتمع كل ما تسمح به قوته حتى تكفي مُنتَج لكل شخص ؛ وسيأخذ كل فرد كل ما يحتاجه ، ويحد من احتياجاته فقط في الأشياء التي لا يتوفر الكثير منها بعد لكل فرد ".  الأناركية الشيوعية كفلسفة اقتصادية-سياسية متماسكة وضعت لأول مرة في القسم الايطالي الأممية الأولى التي ملتستا، كارلو كافييرو ، إميليو كوفيلي ، أندريا كوستا وغيرهم من السابقين Mazzinian الجمهوريين. احتراما لباكونين ، لم يوضحوا خلافاتهم مع الأناركية الجماعية إلا بعد وفاته. 
ظهرت النقابية في فرنسا مستوحاة جزئيًا من برودون ولاحقًا من قبل بيلوتييه وجورج سوريل .  تطورت في نهاية القرن التاسع عشر انطلاقا من الحركة النقابية الفرنسية ( سينديكات هي الكلمة الفرنسية للنقابات العمالية). كانت قوة مهمة في إيطاليا وإسبانيا في أوائل القرن العشرين حتى تم سحقها من قبل الأنظمة الفاشية في تلك البلدان. في الولايات المتحدة، ظهرت النقابية في ستار عمال العالم الصناعيين ، أو "Wobblies"، التي تأسست في عام 1905.  النقابية هو النظام الاقتصادي الذي ينظم الصناعات في الاتحادات (النقابات) ويدار الاقتصاد عن طريق التفاوض بين المتخصصين وممثلي العمال في كل مجال ، بما في ذلك عدة وحدات مصنفة غير تنافسية.  النقابية هو شكل من أشكال الشيوعية والاقتصادية هيمنة ، ولكن أيضا يشير إلى حركة سياسية والأساليب المستخدمة لتحقيق هذا النوع من النظام. الحركة الأناركية المؤثرة القائمة على الأفكار النقابية هي اللاسلطوية النقابية.  و جمعية العمال العالمي هو اتحاد الأناركية النقابية الدولية من مختلف النقابات العمالية.
و جمعية فابيان هو الاشتراكية البريطانية منظمة أنشئت لتعزيز الاشتراكية عبر التدريجي و الإصلاحية وسيلة.  والمجتمع وضعت العديد من الأسس التي تقوم عليها حزب العمل وأثرت لاحقا سياسات الدول الناشئة من تصفية الاستعمار من الإمبراطورية البريطانية ، وأبرزها الهند وسنغافورة. في الأصل ، كانت جمعية فابيان ملتزمة بتأسيس اقتصاد اشتراكي ، جنبًا إلى جنب مع الالتزام بالإمبريالية البريطانية كقوة تقدمية وحديثة.  في وقت لاحق ، عمل المجتمع في المقام الأول باعتباره أمؤسسة فكرية وهي واحدة من خمسة عشر جمعية اشتراكية تابعة لحزب العمل. توجد مجتمعات مماثلة في أستراليا ( جمعية فابيان الأسترالية ) ، وفي كندا (مؤسسة دوغلاس كولدويل ورابطة إعادة الإعمار الاجتماعي التي تم حلها الآن ) وفي نيوزيلندا.
النقابة الاشتراكية هي حركة سياسية تدعو إلى سيطرة العمال على الصناعة من خلال وسيط النقابات المرتبطة بالتجارة "في علاقة تعاقدية ضمنية مع الجمهور".  نشأت في المملكة المتحدة وكانت الأكثر تأثيرًا في الربع الأول من القرن العشرين. مستوحاة من النقابات في القرون الوسطى ، وأصحاب النظريات مثل صموئيل جورج هوبسون و GDH كول دعت ملكية عامة من الصناعات وتنظيم قواها العاملة "في النقابات، كل منها تحت سيطرة الديمقراطية للاتحاد تجارتها. كان الاشتراكيون النقابيون أقل ميلًا من فابيانز لاستثمار السلطة في الدولة. في مرحلة ما ، مثل فرسان العمل الأمريكيين ، أرادت الاشتراكية النقابية إلغاء نظام الأجور. 
مع قبول أفكار ماركس وإنجلز ، لا سيما في وسط أوروبا ، سعى الاشتراكيون إلى الاتحاد في منظمة دولية. في عام 1889 (الذكرى المئوية للثورة الفرنسية) ، تأسست الأممية الثانية ، حيث ضمت 384 مندوبًا من عشرين دولة يمثلون حوالي 300 منظمة عمالية واشتراكية.  أطلق عليها الاشتراكية الدولية وانتخب إنجلز رئيسًا فخريًا في المؤتمر الثالث عام 1893. تم حظر الأناركيين ، ويرجع ذلك أساسًا إلى ضغوط الماركسيين.  لقد قيل أنه في مرحلة ما تحولت الأممية الثانية "إلى ساحة معركة حول قضية الاشتراكية التحررية مقابل الاشتراكية الاستبدادية. لم يكتفوا بتقديم أنفسهم بشكل فعال على أنهم مدافعون عن حقوق الأقليات ؛ كما أنها أثارت الماركسيين الألمانية إلى يدل على التعصب الدكتاتوري الذي كان عاملا في منع الحركة العمالية البريطانية من اتباع الاتجاه الماركسي أشار زعماء مثل HM Hyndman ". 
نشأت الإصلاحية كبديل للثورة. كان إدوارد بيرنشتاين من كبار الديمقراطيين الاجتماعيين في ألمانيا الذي اقترح مفهوم الاشتراكية التطورية . سرعان ما استهدف الاشتراكيون الثوريون الإصلاحية: أدانت روزا لوكسمبورغ الاشتراكية التطورية لبرنشتاين في مقالها عام 1900 الإصلاح الاجتماعي أم الثورة ؟ تشمل الاشتراكية الثورية العديد من الحركات الاجتماعية والسياسية التي قد تعرف "الثورة" بشكل مختلف. و الحزب الديمقراطي الاجتماعي في ألمانياأصبح (الحزب الاشتراكي الديمقراطي) أكبر وأقوى حزب اشتراكي في أوروبا ، على الرغم من عمله بشكل غير قانوني حتى تم إسقاط القوانين المناهضة للاشتراكية في عام 1890. وفي انتخابات عام 1893 ، حصل على 1.787.000 صوتًا ، أي ربع إجمالي الأصوات المُدلى بها ، وفقًا لإنجلز. في عام 1895، سنة وفاته، وأكد انجلز البيان الشيوعي " التركيز الصورة على الفوز، كخطوة أولى، و" معركة الديمقراطية ". 
أوائل القرن العشرين
في الأرجنتين، و الحزب الاشتراكي الأرجنتين تأسست في 1890s بقيادة خوان B. خوستو و نيكولاس ريبيتو ، من بين أمور أخرى. كان أول حزب جماهيري في البلاد وفي أمريكا اللاتينية. انضم الحزب إلى الأممية الثانية.  بين عامي 1924 و 1940 ، كانت عضوًا في منظمة العمل والاشتراكية الدولية . 
في عام 1904 ، انتخب الأستراليون كريس واتسون كأول رئيس وزراء لحزب العمال الأسترالي ، ليصبح أول اشتراكي منتخب ديمقراطيا.  في عام 1909، وهو أول كيبوتس تأسست في فلسطين  من قبل المهاجرين اليهود الروس. و حركة كيبوتس توسعت خلال القرن 20th التالية عقيدة الصهيونية الاشتراكية.  فاز حزب العمال البريطاني لأول مرة بمقاعد في مجلس العموم عام 1902. وتشكلت اللجنة الاشتراكية الدولية (ISC ، المعروفة أيضًا باسم برن الدولية) في فبراير 1919 في اجتماع عقد في برن.من قبل الأطراف التي أرادت إحياء الأممية الثانية. 
بحلول عام 1917 ، تحولت الوطنية في الحرب العالمية الأولى إلى راديكالية سياسية في أستراليا ومعظم أوروبا والولايات المتحدة. وتضمنت الأحزاب الاشتراكية الأخرى من جميع أنحاء العالم الذين كانت بداية لاكتساب أهمية في السياسة الوطنية في القرن 20 في وقت مبكر من الحزب الاشتراكي الإيطالي ، و القسم الفرنسي من العمال الدولية ، و العمال الاشتراكي الإسباني حزب و، الحزب الاشتراكي الديمقراطي السويدي ، و الحزب الاجتماعي الديمقراطي الروسي العمل و الحزب الاشتراكي في الأرجنتين، و حزب العمال الاشتراكي في شيلي و الحزب الاشتراكي الأمريكي في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية.
في فبراير 1917 ، انفجرت الثورة في روسيا. العمال والجنود والفلاحين أنشئت السوفييتات (مجالس)، سقطت الملكية و الحكومة المؤقتة يعقد في انتظار انتخاب الجمعية التأسيسية . في نيسان من ذلك العام، فلاديمير لينين ، زعيم البلاشفة فصيل من الاشتراكيين في روسيا ويعرف عنه التوسعات عميقة ومثيرة للجدل من الماركسية وسمح لعبور ألمانيا إلى العودة من المنفى في سويسرا.
كان لينين قد نشر مقالات عن تحليله للإمبريالية والاحتكار ومرحلة العولمة للرأسمالية ، فضلاً عن تحليلات حول الظروف الاجتماعية. لاحظ أنه مع تطور الرأسمالية في أوروبا وأمريكا ، ظل العمال غير قادرين على اكتساب الوعي الطبقي طالما أنهم كانوا مشغولين جدًا في العمل لدفع نفقاتهم. لذلك اقترح أن الثورة الاجتماعية ستتطلب قيادة حزب طليعي من الثوريين الواعين طبقيًا من الجزء المتعلم والناشط سياسيًا من السكان. 
عند وصوله إلى بتروغراد ، أعلن لينين أن الثورة في روسيا قد بدأت للتو ، وأن الخطوة التالية هي أن تتولى سوفييتات العمال السلطة الكاملة. أصدر أطروحة حدد فيها البرنامج البلشفي ، بما في ذلك رفض أي شرعية في الحكومة المؤقتة والدعوة إلى إدارة سلطة الدولة من خلال السوفيتات. أصبح البلاشفة القوة الأكثر نفوذاً. في 7 نوفمبر ، اقتحم الحرس الأحمر البلشفي مبنى الحكومة المؤقتة فيما أصبح يعرف بعد ذلك باسم ثورة أكتوبر الاشتراكية العظمى. انتهت الحكومة المؤقتة الروسية الاشتراكية الاتحادية الجمهورية السوفيتيةتأسست أول دولة اشتراكية دستورية في العالم. في 25 يناير 1918 ، أعلن لينين "عاشت الثورة الاشتراكية العالمية!" في بتروغراد السوفياتي  واقترح هدنة فورية على جميع الجبهات ونقل أراضي ملاك الأرض والتاج والأديرة إلى لجان الفلاحين دون تعويض. 
في اليوم التالي لتوليه السلطة التنفيذية في 25 يناير ، كتب لينين مسودة اللوائح الخاصة بمراقبة العمال ، والتي منحت العمال السيطرة على الشركات التي تضم أكثر من خمسة عمال وموظفين في المكاتب والوصول إلى جميع الدفاتر والوثائق والمخزونات والتي كانت قراراتها "ملزمة" على أصحاب الشركات ".  بدأت الحكومة البلشفية بالحكم من خلال السوفييتات المنتخبة وبالتحالف مع الثوريين الاشتراكيين اليساريين القائمين على الفلاحين ، بتأميم البنوك والصناعة. وتنصل من الديون الوطنية لنظام رومانوف الملكي المخلوع . أنه رفع دعوى ضد من أجل السلام ، والانسحاب من الحرب العالمية الأولى، ويتم استدعاؤهم في الجمعية التأسيسية التي الفلاحفاز الحزب الاشتراكي الثوري بالأغلبية. 
انتخبت الجمعية التأسيسية زعيم الحزب الاشتراكي الثوري فيكتور تشيرنوف رئيسًا لجمهورية روسية ، لكنها رفضت الاقتراح البلشفي بتأييد المراسيم السوفيتية بشأن الأرض والسلام ومراقبة العمال والاعتراف بسلطة سوفييتات نواب العمال والجنود والفلاحين. . في اليوم التالي ، أعلن البلاشفة أن الجمعية انتخبت على قوائم حزبية عفا عليها الزمن  وقامت اللجنة التنفيذية المركزية الروسية للسوفييت بحلها.   في مارس 1919 ، شكلت الأحزاب الشيوعية العالمية الكومنترن (المعروف أيضًا باسم الأممية الثالثة) في اجتماع في موسكو . 
اتحاد العمل الدولي للأحزاب الاشتراكية
الأطراف التي لم ترغب في أن تكون جزءًا من الأممية الثانية التي تم إحياؤها (ISC) أو الكومنترن شكلت اتحاد العمل الدولي للأحزاب الاشتراكية (IWUSP ، المعروف أيضًا باسم Vienna International / Vienna Union / Two-Half International) في 27 فبراير 1921 في مؤتمر عقد في فيينا.  انضم كل من ISC و IWUSP لتشكيل حزب العمل والاشتراكية الدولية (LSI) في مايو 1923 في اجتماع في هامبورغ  الجماعات اليسارية التي لم توافق على المركزية والتخلي عن السوفيتات من قبل الحزب البلشفي قاد انتفاضات يسارية ضد البلاشفة - تضمنت هذه المجموعات الاشتراكيين الثوريين ،  اليسار الاشتراكي الثوري ،المناشفة و الفوضويين . 
ضمن هذا الاستياء اليساري ، كانت الأحداث الأكثر اتساعًا هي تمرد العمال كرونشتاد    وانتفاضة جيش التمرد الثوري لأوكرانيا بقيادة الأناركي الذي سيطر على منطقة تعرف باسم الإقليم الحر .   
أطلقت الثورة البلشفية الروسية في يناير 1918 الأحزاب الشيوعية في العديد من البلدان وما صاحبها من ثورات 1917-1923 . قلة من الشيوعيين شككوا في أن التجربة الروسية تعتمد على الثورات الاشتراكية الناجحة للطبقة العاملة في البلدان الرأسمالية المتقدمة.   في عام 1919 ، نظم لينين وتروتسكي الأحزاب الشيوعية في العالم في اتحاد دولي للعمال - الأممية الشيوعية (كومنترن) ، تسمى أيضًا الأممية الثالثة.
أثرت الثورة الروسية على الانتفاضات في البلدان الأخرى. و الثورة الألمانية 1918-1919 استبدال الحكومة الإمبراطورية الألمانية مع الجمهورية . استمرت الثورة من نوفمبر 1918 حتى تأسيس جمهورية فايمار في أغسطس 1919. وتضمنت حلقة المعروفة باسم الجمهورية السوفيتية البافارية     و انتفاضة سبارتاكوس . في إيطاليا ، تميزت الأحداث المعروفة باسم بينيو روسو   بالإضرابات الجماهيرية والتظاهرات العمالية وتجارب الإدارة الذاتية من خلال احتلال الأراضي والمصانع. في تورينو وميلانو ، المجالس العماليةتم تشكيل العديد من احتلال المصانع بقيادة الأناركيين النقابيين الذين تم تنظيمهم حول Unione Sindacale Italiana . 
بحلول عام 1920 ، هزم الجيش الأحمر بقيادة تروتسكي إلى حد كبير الجيوش الملكية البيضاء . في عام 1921 ، تم إنهاء الحرب الشيوعية ، وفي ظل السياسة الاقتصادية الجديدة (NEP) سُمح بالملكية الخاصة للمؤسسات الفلاحية الصغيرة والمتوسطة. في حين ظلت الصناعة إلى حد كبير تحت سيطرة الدولة ، أقر لينين بأن السياسة الاقتصادية الجديدة كانت إجراء رأسماليًا ضروريًا لبلد غير مستعد للاشتراكية. عاد التربح على شكل "رجال السياسة الاقتصادية الجديدة" واكتسب الفلاحون الأغنياء ( الكولاك ) السلطة.  كان دور تروتسكي محل تساؤل من قبل اشتراكيين آخرين ، بمن فيهم التروتسكيون السابقون. في الولايات المتحدة ، انفصل دوايت ماكدونالد عن تروتسكي وترك التروتسكيحزب العمال الاشتراكي بالإشارة إلى تمرد كرونشتاد ، الذي قمعه تروتسكي والبلاشفة الآخرون بوحشية. ثم انتقل نحو الاشتراكية الديمقراطية  و الفوضوية . 
أثارت اللاسلطوية الأمريكية إيما جولدمان نقدًا مشابهًا لدور تروتسكي في تمرد كرونشتاد . في مقالها "احتجاجات تروتسكي أكثر من اللازم" ، قالت ، "أعترف أن الديكتاتورية تحت حكم ستالين أصبحت وحشية. ومع ذلك ، فإن هذا لا يقلل من ذنب ليون تروتسكي باعتباره أحد الممثلين في الدراما الثورية التي كرونشتاد كانت واحدة من أكثر المشاهد دموية ". 
المؤتمر العالمي الرابع للأممية الشيوعية
في عام 1922 ، تبنى المؤتمر الرابع للأممية الشيوعية سياسة الجبهة المتحدة . وحث الشيوعيين على العمل مع الديمقراطيين الاجتماعيين العاديين مع البقاء منتقدين لقادتهم. وانتقدوا هؤلاء القادة لخيانتهم الطبقة العاملة من خلال دعم جهود الرأسماليين الحربية. أشار الديموقراطيون الاشتراكيون إلى التفكك الذي تسببت فيه الثورة ومن ثم الاستبداد المتزايد للأحزاب الشيوعية. رفض حزب العمال طلب الحزب الشيوعي لبريطانيا العظمى الانضمام إليه عام 1920.
عند رؤية القوة القسرية المتزايدة للدولة السوفيتية في عام 1923 ، قال لينين المحتضر إن روسيا عادت إلى "آلة قيصرية برجوازية [...] بالكاد ملطخة بالاشتراكية".  بعد وفاة لينين في يناير 1924 ، رفض الحزب الشيوعي للاتحاد السوفيتي - الذي أصبح تحت سيطرة جوزيف ستالين بشكل متزايد - النظرية القائلة بأنه لا يمكن بناء الاشتراكية في الاتحاد السوفيتي فقط لصالح مفهوم الاشتراكية في دولة واحدة. البلد . وعلى الرغم من تهميش المعارضة اليسارية الطلب الصورة لاستعادة الديمقراطية السوفييتي، وضعت ستالين البيروقراطية، استبداديةالحكومة التي أدانها الاشتراكيون الديمقراطيون والفوضويون والتروتسكيون لتقويض المثل العليا للثورة.   [ مصدر منشور ذاتيًا؟ ] [ مصدر غير موثوق؟ ]
في عام 1924 ، تأسست جمهورية منغوليا الشعبية وحكمها حزب الشعب المنغولي . الثورة الروسية وبعد دوافع الأحزاب الشيوعية وطنية في أماكن أخرى الذي كسب النفوذ السياسي والاجتماعي، في فرنسا ، و الولايات المتحدة ، إيطاليا ، الصين ، المكسيك ، و البرازيل ، تشيلي و اندونيسيا .
Spanish Civil War
In Spain in 1936, the national anarcho-syndicalist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) initially refused to join a popular front electoral alliance. Their abstention led to a right-wing election victory. In 1936, the CNT changed its policy and anarchist votes helped return the popular front to power. Months later, the former ruling class attempted a coup, sparking the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).
In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivised the land. The Spanish Revolution was a workers' social revolution that began with the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and resulted in the widespread implementation of anarchist and more broadly libertarian socialist organisational principles in some areas for two to three years, primarily Catalonia, Aragon, Andalusia and parts of Levante.
Much of Spain's economy came under worker control. In anarchist strongholds like Catalonia the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy Communist Party influence, which actively resisted attempts at collectivisation. Factories were run through worker committees, agrarian areas became collectivised and run as libertarian communes. Anarchist historian Sam Dolgoff estimated that about eight million people participated directly or indirectly in the Spanish Revolution.
Post-World War II
Trotsky's Fourth International was established in France in 1938 when Trotskyists argued that the Comintern or Third International had become irretrievably "lost to Stalinism" and thus incapable of leading the working class to power. The rise of Nazism and the start of World War II led to the dissolution of the LSI in 1940. After the War, the Socialist International was formed in Frankfurt in July 1951 as its successor.
After World War II, social democratic governments introduced social reform and wealth redistribution via welfare and taxation. Social democratic parties dominated post-war politics in countries such as France, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Belgium and Norway. At one point, France claimed to be the world's most state-controlled capitalist country. It nationalised public utilities including Charbonnages de France (CDF), Électricité de France (EDF), Gaz de France (GDF), Air France, Banque de France and Régie Nationale des Usines Renault.
In 1945, the British Labour Party led by Clement Attlee was elected based on a radical socialist programme. The Labour government nationalised industries including mines, gas, coal, electricity, rail, iron, steel and the Bank of England. British Petroleum was officially nationalised in 1951. Anthony Crosland said that in 1956 25% of British industry was nationalised and that public employees, including those in nationalised industries, constituted a similar proportion of the country's workers. The Labour Governments of 1964–1970 and 1974–1979 intervened further. It re-nationalised British Steel (1967) after the Conservatives had denationalised it and nationalised British Leyland (1976). The National Health Service provided taxpayer-funded health care to everyone, free at the point of service. Working-class housing was provided in council housing estates and university education became available via a school grant system.
During most of the post-war era, Sweden was governed by the Swedish Social Democratic Party largely in cooperation with trade unions and industry. In Sweden, the Swedish Social Democratic Party held power from 1936 to 1976, 1982 to 1991, 1994 to 2006 and 2014 through 2023, most recently in a minority coalition. Tage Erlander was the first leader of the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SSDP). He led the government from 1946 to 1969, the longest uninterrupted parliamentary government. These governments substantially expanded the welfare state. Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme identified as a "democratic socialist" and was described as a "revolutionary reformist".
The Norwegian Labour Party was established in 1887 and was largely a trade union federation. The party did not proclaim a socialist agenda, elevating universal suffrage and dissolution of the union with Sweden as its top priorities. In 1899, the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions separated from the Labour Party. Around the time of the Russian Revolution, the Labour Party moved to the left and joined the Communist International from 1919 through 1923. Thereafter, the party still regarded itself as revolutionary, but the party's left-wing broke away and established the Communist Party of Norway while the Labour Party gradually adopted a reformist line around 1930. In 1935, Johan Nygaardsvold established a coalition that lasted until 1945.
From 1946 to 1962, the Norwegian Labour Party held an absolute majority in the parliament led by Einar Gerhardsen, who remained Prime Minister for seventeen years. Although the party abandoned most of its pre-war socialist ideas, the welfare state was expanded under Gerhardsen to ensure the universal provision of basic human rights and stabilise the economy. In the 1945 Norwegian parliamentary election, the Communist Party took 12% of the votes, but it largely vanished during the Cold War. In the 1950s, popular socialism emerged in Nordic countries. It placed itself between communism and social democracy. In the early 1960s, the Socialist Left Party challenged the Labour Party from the left. Also in the 1960s, Gerhardsen established a planning agency and tried to establish a planned economy. In the 1970s, a more radical socialist party, the Worker's Communist Party (AKP), broke from the Socialist Left Party and had notable influence in student associations and some trade unions. The AKP identified with Communist China and Albania rather than the Soviet Union.
In countries such as Sweden, the Rehn–Meidner model allowed capitalists owning productive and efficient firms to retain profits at the expense of the firms' workers, exacerbating inequality and causing workers to agitate for a share of the profits in the 1970s. At that time, women working in the state sector began to demand better wages. Rudolf Meidner established a study committee that came up with a 1976 proposal to transfer excess profits into worker-controlled investment funds, with the intention that firms would create jobs and pay higher wages rather than reward company owners and managers. Capitalists immediately labeled this proposal as socialism and launched an unprecedented opposition—including calling off the class compromise established in the 1938 Saltsjöbaden Agreement. Social democratic parties are some of the oldest such parties and operate in all Nordic countries. Countries or political systems that have long been dominated by social democratic parties are often labelled social democratic. Those countries fit the social democratic type of "high socialism" which is described as favouring "a high level of decommodification and a low degree of stratification".
The Nordic model is a form of economic-political system common to the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden). It has three main ingredients, namely peaceful, institutionalised negotiation between employers and trade unions; active, predictable and measured macroeconomic policy; and universal welfare and free education. The welfare system is governmental in Norway and Sweden whereas trade unions play a greater role in Denmark, Finland and Iceland. The Nordic model is often labelled social democratic and contrasted with the conservative continental model and the liberal Anglo-American model. Major reforms in the Nordic countries are the results of consensus and compromise across the political spectrum. Key reforms were implemented under social democratic cabinets in Denmark, Norway and Sweden while centre-right parties dominated during the implementation of the model in Finland and Iceland. Since World War II, Nordic countries have largely maintained a social democratic mixed economy, characterised by labour force participation, gender equality, egalitarian and universal benefits, redistribution of wealth and expansionary fiscal policy.
In Norway, the first mandatory social insurances were introduced by conservative cabinets in 1895 (Francis Hagerups's cabinet) and 1911 (Konow's Cabinet). During the 1930s, the Labour Party adopted the conservatives' welfare state project. After World War II, all political parties agreed that the welfare state should be expanded. Universal social security (Folketrygden) was introduced by the conservative Borten's Cabinet. Norway's economy is open to the international or European market for most products and services, joining the European Union's internal market in 1994 through European Economic Area. Some of the mixed economy institutions from the post-war period were relaxed by the conservative cabinet of the 1980s and the finance market was deregulated. Within the Varieties of Capitalism-framework, Finland, Norway and Sweden are identified as coordinated market economies.
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
The Soviet era saw some of the most significant technological achievements of the 20th century, including the world's first spacecraft and the first astronaut. The Soviet economy was the modern world's first centrally planned economy. It adopted state ownership of industry managed through Gosplan (the State Planning Commission), Gosbank (the State Bank) and the Gossnab (State Commission for Materials and Equipment Supply).
Economic planning was conducted through serial Five-Year Plans. The emphasis was on development of heavy industry. The nation became one of the world's top manufacturers of basic and heavy industrial products, while deemphasizing light industrial production and consumer durables. Modernisation brought about a general increase in the standard of living.
The Eastern Bloc was the group of Communist states of Central and Eastern Europe, including the Soviet Union and the countries of the Warsaw Pact, including Poland, the German Democratic Republic, the Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Albania and Yugoslavia. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a spontaneous nationwide revolt against the Communist government, lasting from 23 October until 10 November 1956. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of the excesses of Stalin's regime during the Twentieth Communist Party Congress in 1956 as well as the Hungarian revolt, produced disunity within Western European communist and socialist parties.
Asia, Africa and Latin America
In the post-war years, socialism became increasingly influential in many then-developing countries. Embracing Third World socialism, countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America often nationalised industries.
The Chinese Communist Revolution was the second stage in the Chinese Civil War, which ended with the establishment of the People's Republic of China led by the Chinese Communist Party. The then-Chinese Kuomintang Party in the 1920s incorporated Chinese socialism as part of its ideology.
The emergence of this new political entity in the frame of the Cold War was complex and painful. Several tentative efforts were made to organise newly independent states in order to establish a common front to limit the United States' and the Soviet Union's influence on them. This led to the Sino-Soviet split. The Non-Aligned Movement gathered around the figures of Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Sukarno of Indonesia, Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia and Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt. After the 1954 Geneva Conference which ended the French war in Vietnam, the 1955 Bandung Conference gathered Nasser, Nehru, Tito, Sukarno and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. As many African countries gained independence during the 1960s, some of them rejected capitalism in favour of African socialism as defined by Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Léopold Senghor of Senegal, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Sékou Touré of Guinea.
The Cuban Revolution (1953–1959) was an armed revolt conducted by Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement and its allies against the government of Fulgencio Batista. Castro's government eventually adopted communism, becoming the Communist Party of Cuba in October 1965.
In Indonesia, a right-wing military regime led by Suharto killed between 500,000 and one million people in 1965 and 1966, mainly to crush the growing influence of the Communist Party and other leftist groups, with support from the United States which provided kill lists containing thousands of names of suspected high-ranking Communists.
The New Left was a term used mainly in the United Kingdom and United States in reference to activists, educators, agitators and others in the 1960s and 1970s who sought to implement a broad range of reforms on issues such as gay rights, abortion, gender roles and drugs in contrast to earlier leftist or Marxist movements that had taken a more vanguardist approach to social justice and focused mostly on labour unionisation and questions of social class. The New Left rejected involvement with the labour movement and Marxism's historical theory of class struggle.
In the United States, the New Left was associated with the Hippie movement and anti-war college campus protest movements as well as the black liberation movements such as the Black Panther Party. While initially formed in opposition to the "Old Left" Democratic Party, groups composing the New Left gradually became central players in the Democratic coalition.
Protests of 1968
The protests of 1968 represented a worldwide escalation of social conflicts, predominantly characterised by popular rebellions against military, capitalist and bureaucratic elites who responded with an escalation of political repression. These protests marked a turning point for the civil rights movement in the United States which produced revolutionary movements like the Black Panther Party. The prominent civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. organised the "Poor People's Campaign" to address issues of economic justice, while personally showing sympathy with democratic socialism. In reaction to the Tet Offensive, protests also sparked a broad movement in opposition to the Vietnam War all over the United States and even into London, Paris, Berlin and Rome. In 1968, the International of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international anarchist conference held in Carrara by the three existing European federations of France, the Italian and the Iberian Anarchist Federation as well as the Bulgarian federation in French exile.
Mass socialist or communist movements grew not only in the United States, but also in most European countries. The most spectacular manifestation of this were the May 1968 protests in France in which students linked up with strikes of up to ten million workers and for a few days the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government.
In many other capitalist countries, struggles against dictatorships, state repression and colonisation were also marked by protests in 1968, such as the beginning of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City and the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the military dictatorship in Brazil. Countries governed by communist parties had protests against bureaucratic and military elites. In Eastern Europe there were widespread protests that escalated particularly in the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia. In response, Soviet Union occupied Czechoslovakia, but the occupation was denounced by the Italian and French communist parties and the Communist Party of Finland. Few western European political leaders defended the occupation, among them the Portuguese communist secretary-general Álvaro Cunhal. along with the Luxembourg party and conservative factions of the Communist Party of Greece.
In the Chinese Cultural Revolution, a social-political youth movement mobilised against "bourgeois" elements which were seen to be infiltrating the government and society at large, aiming to restore capitalism. This movement motivated Maoism-inspired movements around the world in the context of the Sino-Soviet split.
Late 20th century
In the 1960s, a socialist tendency within the Latin American Catholic church appeared and was known as liberation theology It motivated the Colombian priest Camilo Torres Restrepo to enter the ELN guerrilla. In Chile, Salvador Allende, a physician and candidate for the Socialist Party of Chile, was elected president in 1970. In 1973, his government was ousted by the United States-backed military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, which lasted until the late 1980s. Pinochet's regime was a leader of Operation Condor, a U.S.-backed campaign of repression and state terrorism carried out by the intelligence services of the Southern Cone countries of Latin America to eliminate suspected Communist subversion. In Jamaica, the democratic socialist Michael Manley served as the fourth Prime Minister of Jamaica from 1972 to 1980 and from 1989 to 1992. According to opinion polls, he remains one of Jamaica's most popular Prime Ministers since independence. The Nicaraguan Revolution encompassed the rising opposition to the Somoza dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s, the campaign led by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) to violently oust the dictatorship in 1978–1979, the subsequent efforts of the FSLN to govern Nicaragua from 1979 until 1990 and the socialist measures which included wide-scale agrarian reform and educational programs. The People's Revolutionary Government was proclaimed on 13 March 1979 in Grenada which was overthrown by armed forces of the United States in 1983. The Salvadoran Civil War (1979–1992) was a conflict between the military-led government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or umbrella organisation of five socialist guerrilla groups. A coup on 15 October 1979 led to the killings of anti-coup protesters by the government as well as anti-disorder protesters by the guerrillas, and is widely seen as the tipping point towards the civil war.
In Italy, Autonomia Operaia was a leftist movement particularly active from 1976 to 1978. It took an important role in the autonomist movement in the 1970s, aside earlier organisations such as Potere Operaio (created after May 1968) and Lotta Continua. This experience prompted the contemporary socialist radical movement autonomism. In 1982, the newly elected French socialist government of François Mitterrand made nationalisations in a few key industries, including banks and insurance companies. Eurocommunism was a trend in the 1970s and 1980s in various Western European communist parties to develop a theory and practice of social transformation that was more relevant for a Western European country and less aligned to the influence or control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Outside Western Europe, it is sometimes called neocommunism. Some communist parties with strong popular support, notably the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) adopted Eurocommunism most enthusiastically and the Communist Party of Finland was dominated by Eurocommunists. The French Communist Party (PCF) and many smaller parties strongly opposed Eurocommunism and stayed aligned with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union until the end of the Soviet Union.
In the late 1970s and in the 1980s, the Socialist International (SI) had extensive contacts and discussion with the two powers of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union, about east–west relations and arms control. Since then, the SI has admitted as member parties the Nicaraguan FSLN, the left-wing Puerto Rican Independence Party, as well as former communist parties such as the Democratic Party of the Left of Italy and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO). The SI aided social democratic parties in re-establishing themselves when dictatorship gave way to democracy in Portugal (1974) and Spain (1975). Until its 1976 Geneva Congress, the SI had few members outside Europe and no formal involvement with Latin America.
After Mao Zedong's death in 1976 and the arrest of the faction known as the Gang of Four, who were blamed for the excesses of the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping took power and led the People's Republic of China to significant economic reforms. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) loosened governmental control over citizens' personal lives and the communes were disbanded in favour of private land leases, thus China's transition from a planned economy to a mixed economy named as "socialism with Chinese characteristics" which maintained state ownership rights over land, state or cooperative ownership of much of the heavy industrial and manufacturing sectors and state influence in the banking and financial sectors. China adopted its current constitution on 4 December 1982. Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin, Premiers Li Peng and Zhu Rongji led the nation in the 1990s. Under their administration, China's economic performance pulled an estimated 150 million peasants out of poverty and sustained an average annual gross domestic product growth rate of 11.2%. At the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam in December 1986, reformist politicians replaced the "old guard" government with new leadership. The reformers were led by 71-year-old Nguyen Van Linh, who became the party's new general secretary. Linh and the reformers implemented a series of free market reforms—known as Đổi Mới ("Renovation")—which carefully managed the transition from a planned economy to a "socialist-oriented market economy". Mikhail Gorbachev wished to move the Soviet Union towards of Nordic-style social democracy, calling it "a socialist beacon for all mankind". Prior to its dissolution in 1991, the economy of the Soviet Union was the second largest in the world after the United States. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the economic integration of the Soviet republics was dissolved and overall industrial activity declined substantially. A lasting legacy remains in the physical infrastructure created during decades of combined industrial production practices, and widespread environmental destruction. The transition to capitalism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc, which was accompanied by Washington Consensus-inspired "shock therapy", resulted in a steep fall in the standard of living. The region experienced rising economic inequality and poverty a surge in excess mortality and a decline in life expectancy, which was accompanied by the entrenchment of a newly established business oligarchy in the former. The average post-communist country had returned to 1989 levels of per-capita GDP by 2005, although some are still far behind that. These developments led to increased nationalist sentiment and nostalgia for the Communist era.
Many social democratic parties, particularly after the Cold War, adopted neoliberal market policies including privatisation, deregulation and financialisation. They abandoned their pursuit of moderate socialism in favour of economic liberalism. By the 1980s, with the rise of conservative neoliberal politicians such as Ronald Reagan in the United States, Margaret Thatcher in Britain, Brian Mulroney in Canada and Augusto Pinochet in Chile, the Western welfare state was attacked from within, but state support for the corporate sector was maintained. Monetarists and neoliberals attacked social welfare systems as impediments to private entrepreneurship. In the United Kingdom, Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock made a public attack against the entryist group Militant at the 1985 Labour Party conference. Labour ruled that Militant was ineligible for affiliation with the party and it gradually expelled Militant supporters. The Kinnock leadership had refused to support the 1984–1985 miner's strike over pit closures, a decision that the party's left wing and the National Union of Mineworkers blamed for the strike's eventual defeat. In 1989, the 18th Congress of the Socialist International adopted a new Declaration of Principles, stating:
Democratic socialism is an international movement for freedom, social justice, and solidarity. Its goal is to achieve a peaceful world where these basic values can be enhanced and where each individual can live a meaningful life with the full development of his or her personality and talents, and with the guarantee of human and civil rights in a democratic framework of society.
In the 1990s, the British Labour Party under Tony Blair enacted policies based on the free market economy to deliver public services via the private finance initiative. Influential in these policies was the idea of a Third Way which called for a re-evaluation of welfare state policies. In 1995, the Labour Party re-defined its stance on socialism by re-wording Clause IV of its constitution, defining socialism in ethical terms and removing all references to public, direct worker or municipal ownership of the means of production. The Labour Party stated: "The Labour Party is a democratic socialist party. It believes that, by the strength of our common endeavour we achieve more than we achieve alone, so as to create, for each of us, the means to realise our true potential, and, for all of us, a community in which power, wealth, and opportunity are in the hands of the many, not the few".
African socialism has been and continues to be a major ideology around the continent. Julius Nyerere was inspired by Fabian socialist ideals. He was a firm believer in rural Africans and their traditions and ujamaa, a system of collectivisation that according to Nyerere was present before European imperialism. Essentially he believed Africans were already socialists. Other African socialists include Jomo Kenyatta, Kenneth Kaunda, Nelson Mandela and Kwame Nkrumah. Fela Kuti was inspired by socialism and called for a democratic African republic. In South Africa the African National Congress (ANC) abandoned its partial socialist allegiances after taking power and followed a standard neoliberal route. From 2005 through to 2007, the country was wracked by many thousands of protests from poor communities. One of these gave rise to a mass movement of shack dwellers, Abahlali baseMjondolo that despite major police suppression continues to work for popular people's planning and against the creation of a market economy in land and housing.
In Asia, states with socialist economies—such as the People's Republic of China, North Korea, Laos and Vietnam—have largely moved away from centralised economic planning in the 21st century, placing a greater emphasis on markets. Forms include the Chinese socialist market economy and the Vietnamese socialist-oriented market economy. They use state-owned corporate management models as opposed to modelling socialist enterprise on traditional management styles employed by government agencies. In China living standards continued to improve rapidly despite the late-2000s recession, but centralised political control remained tight. Brian Reynolds Myers in his book The Cleanest Race, later supported by other academics, dismisses the idea that Juche is North Korea's leading ideology, regarding its public exaltation as designed to deceive foreigners and that it exists to be praised and not actually read, pointing out that North Korea's constitution of 2009 omits all mention of communism.
Although the authority of the state remained unchallenged under Đổi Mới, the government of Vietnam encourages private ownership of farms and factories, economic deregulation and foreign investment, while maintaining control over strategic industries. The Vietnamese economy subsequently achieved strong growth in agricultural and industrial production, construction, exports and foreign investment. However, these reforms have also caused a rise in income inequality and gender disparities.
Elsewhere in Asia, some elected socialist parties and communist parties remain prominent, particularly in India and Nepal. Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) in particular calls for multi-party democracy, social equality and economic prosperity. In Singapore, a majority of the GDP is still generated from the state sector comprising government-linked companies. In Japan, there has been a resurgent interest in the Japanese Communist Party among workers and youth. In Malaysia, the Socialist Party of Malaysia got its first Member of Parliament, Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj, after the 2008 general election. In 2010, there were 270 kibbutzim in Israel. Their factories and farms account for 9% of Israel's industrial output, worth US$8 billion and 40% of its agricultural output, worth over $1.7 billion. Some Kibbutzim had also developed substantial high-tech and military industries. Also in 2010, Kibbutz Sasa, containing some 200 members, generated $850 million in annual revenue from its military-plastics industry.
The United Nations World Happiness Report 2013 shows that the happiest nations are concentrated in Northern Europe, where the Nordic model is employed, with Denmark topping the list. This is at times attributed to the success of the Nordic model in the region that has been labelled social democratic in contrast with the conservative continental model and the liberal Anglo-American model. The Nordic countries ranked highest on the metrics of real GDP per capita, healthy life expectancy, having someone to count on, perceived freedom to make life choices, generosity and freedom from corruption.
The objectives of the Party of European Socialists, the European Parliament's socialist and social democratic bloc, are now "to pursue international aims in respect of the principles on which the European Union is based, namely principles of freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and respect for the Rule of Law". As a result, today the rallying cry of the French Revolution—Liberté, égalité, fraternité—is promoted as essential socialist values. To the left of the PES at the European level is the Party of the European Left (PEL), also commonly abbreviated "European Left"), which is a political party at the European level and an association of democratic socialist, socialist and communist political parties in the European Union and other European countries. It was formed in January 2004 for the purposes of running in the 2004 European Parliament elections. PEL was founded on 8–9 May 2004 in Rome. Elected MEPs from member parties of the European Left sit in the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) group in the European parliament.
The socialist Left Party in Germany grew in popularity due to dissatisfaction with the increasingly neoliberal policies of the SPD, becoming the fourth biggest party in parliament in the general election on 27 September 2009. Communist candidate Dimitris Christofias won a crucial presidential runoff in Cyprus, defeating his conservative rival with a majority of 53%. In Ireland, in the 2009 European election Joe Higgins of the Socialist Party took one of three seats in the capital Dublin European constituency.
In Denmark, the Socialist People's Party (SF) more than doubled its parliamentary representation to 23 seats from 11, making it the fourth largest party. In 2011, the Social Democrats, Socialist People's Party and the Danish Social Liberal Party formed government, after a slight victory over the main rival political coalition. They were led by Helle Thorning-Schmidt, and had the Red-Green Alliance as a supporting party.
In Norway, the Red-Green Coalition consists of the Labour Party (Ap), the Socialist Left Party (SV) and the Centre Party (Sp) and governed the country as a majority government from the 2005 general election until 2013.
In the Greek legislative election of January 2015, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) led by Alexis Tsipras won a legislative election for the first time while the Communist Party of Greece won 15 seats in parliament. SYRIZA has been characterised as an anti-establishment party, whose success has sent "shock-waves across the EU".
In the United Kingdom, the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers put forward a slate of candidates in the 2009 European Parliament elections under the banner of No to EU – Yes to Democracy, a broad left-wing alter-globalisation coalition involving socialist groups such as the Socialist Party, aiming to offer an alternative to the "anti-foreigner" and pro-business policies of the UK Independence Party. In the following May 2010 United Kingdom general election, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, launched in January 2010 and backed by Bob Crow, the leader of the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers union (RMT), other union leaders and the Socialist Party among other socialist groups, stood against Labour in 40 constituencies. The Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition contested the 2011 local elections, having gained the endorsement of the RMT June 2010 conference, but gained no seats. Left Unity was also founded in 2013 after the film director Ken Loach appealed for a new party of the left to replace the Labour Party, which he claimed had failed to oppose austerity and had shifted towards neoliberalism. In 2015, following a defeat at the 2015 United Kingdom general election, self-described socialist Jeremy Corbyn took over from Ed Miliband as leader of the Labour Party.
In France, Olivier Besancenot, the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR) candidate in the 2007 presidential election, received 1,498,581 votes, 4.08%, double that of the communist candidate. The LCR abolished itself in 2009 to initiate a broad anti-capitalist party, the New Anticapitalist Party, whose stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century".
On 25 May 2014, the Spanish left-wing party Podemos entered candidates for the 2014 European parliamentary elections, some of which were unemployed. In a surprise result, it polled 7.98% of the vote and thus was awarded five seats out of 54 while the older United Left was the third largest overall force obtaining 10.03% and 5 seats, 4 more than the previous elections.
The government of Portugal established on 26 November 2015 was a Socialist Party (PS) minority government led by prime minister António Costa, who succeeded in securing support for a Socialist minority government by the Left Bloc (B.E.), the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and the Ecologist Party "The Greens" (PEV).
All around Europe and in some places of Latin America there exists a social centre and squatting movement mainly inspired by autonomist and anarchist ideas.
According to a 2013 article in The Guardian, "[c]ontrary to popular belief, Americans don't have an innate allergy to socialism. Milwaukee has had several socialist mayors (Frank Zeidler, Emil Seidel and Daniel Hoan), and there is currently an independent socialist in the US Senate, Bernie Sanders of Vermont". Sanders, once mayor of Vermont's largest city, Burlington, has described himself as a democratic socialist and has praised Scandinavian-style social democracy. In 2016, Sanders made a bid for the Democratic Party presidential candidate, thereby gaining considerable popular support, particularly among the younger generation, but lost the nomination to Hillary Clinton. As of 2019, the Democratic Socialists of America have two members in Congress, and various members in state legislatures and city councils. According to a 2018 Gallup poll, 37% of American adults have a positive view of socialism, including 57% of Democrat-leaning voters and 16% of Republican-leaning voters. A 2019 YouGov poll found that 7 out of 10 millennials would vote for a socialist presidential candidate, and 36% had a favorable view of communism. An earlier 2019 Harris Poll found that socialism is more popular with women than men, with 55% of women between the ages of 18 and 54 preferring to live in a socialist society while a majority of men surveyed in the poll chose capitalism over socialism.
Anti-capitalism, anarchism and the anti-globalisation movement rose to prominence through events such as protests against the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference of 1999 in Seattle. Socialist-inspired groups played an important role in these movements, which nevertheless embraced much broader layers of the population and were championed by figures such as Noam Chomsky. In Canada, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the precursor to the social democratic New Democratic Party (NDP), had significant success in provincial politics. In 1944, the Saskatchewan CCF formed the first socialist government in North America. At the federal level, the NDP was the Official Opposition, from 2011 through 2015.
In their Johnson linguistics column, The Economist opines that in the 21st century United States, the term socialism, without clear definition, has become a pejorative used by conservatives to attack liberal and progressive policies, proposals, and public figures.
Latin America and the Caribbean
For the Encyclopedia Britannica, "the attempt by Salvador Allende to unite Marxists and other reformers in a socialist reconstruction of Chile is most representative of the direction that Latin American socialists have taken since the late 20th century. [...] Several socialist (or socialist-leaning) leaders have followed Allende's example in winning election to office in Latin American countries". The success of the Workers' Party (Portuguese: Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT) of Brazil, formed in 1980 and governing Brazil from 2003 to 2016, was the first major breakthrough for this trend.
Foro de São Paulo is a conference of leftist political parties and other organisations from Latin America and the Caribbean. It was launched by the Workers' Party in 1990 in the city of São Paulo, after the PT approached other parties and social movements of Latin America and the Caribbean with the objective of debating the new international scenario after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the consequences of the implementation of what were taken as neoliberal policies adopted at the time by contemporary right-leaning governments in the region, the stated main objective of the conference being to argue for alternatives to neoliberalism. Among its members have been socialist and social-democratic parties in government in the region such as Bolivia's Movement for Socialism, the Communist Party of Cuba, Ecuador's PAIS Alliance, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, the Socialist Party of Chile, Uruguay's Broad Front, Nicaragua's Sandinista National Liberation Front, El Salvador's Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front and members of Argentina's Frente de Todos.
In the first decade of the 21st century, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, Bolivian President Evo Morales and Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa referred to their political programmes as socialist, and Chávez adopted the term "socialism of the 21st century". After winning re-election in December 2006, Chávez said: "Now more than ever, I am obliged to move Venezuela's path towards socialism". Chávez was also reelected in October 2012 for his third six-year term as president, but he died in March 2013 from cancer. After Chávez's death on 5 March 2013, Vice President from Chávez's party Nicolás Maduro assumed the powers and responsibilities of the President. A special election was held on 14 April of the same year to elect a new president, which Maduro won by a tight margin as the candidate of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela and he was formally inaugurated on 19 April. Pink tide is a term used in political analysis, in the media and elsewhere to describe the perception that leftist ideology in general and left-wing politics in particular were increasingly influential in Latin America in the 2000s. Some of the pink tide governments were criticised for turning from socialism to populism and authoritarianism. The pink tide was followed in the 2010s by a "conservative wave" as right-wing governments came to power in Argentina, Brazil and Chile, and Venezuela and Nicaragua experienced political crises. However, socialism saw a resurgence in 2018–19 after successive electoral victories of left-wing and centre-left candidates in Mexico, Panama, and Argentina.
Australia saw an increase in interest of socialism in the early 21st century, especially amongst youth. It is strongest in Victoria, where three socialist parties have merged into the Victorian Socialists, who aim to address problems in housing and public transportation.
In New Zealand, socialism emerged within the budding trade union movement during the late 19th century and early 20th century. In July 1916, several left-wing political organisations and trade unions merged to form the New Zealand Labour Party. While Labour traditionally had a socialist orientation, the party shifted towards a more social democratic orientation during the 1920s and 1930s. Following the 1935 general election, the First Labour Government pursued socialist policies such as nationalising industry, broadcasting, transportation, and implementing a Keynesian welfare state. However, the party did not seek to abolish capitalism, instead opting for a mixed economy. Labour's welfare state and mixed economy were not challenged until the 1980s. During the 1980s, the Fourth Labour Government implemented a raft of neoliberal economic reforms known as Rogernomics which saw New Zealand society and the economy shift towards a more free market model. Labour's abandonment of its traditional values fractured the party. Successive Labour governments have since pursued centre-left social and economic policies while maintaining a free-market economy. The current Prime Minister of New Zealand Jacinda Ardern formerly served as President of the International Union of Socialist Youth. Ardern is a self-described social democrat who has criticized capitalism as a "blatant failure" due to high levels of homelessness and low wages. New Zealand still has a small socialist scene, mainly dominated by Trotskyist groups.
Melanesian socialism developed in the 1980s, inspired by African socialism. It aims to achieve full independence from Britain and France in Melanesian territories and creation of a Melanesian federal union. It is very popular with the New Caledonia independence movement.
The Progressive Alliance is a political international founded on 22 May 2013 by political parties, the majority of whom are current or former members of the Socialist International. The organisation states the aim of becoming the global network of "the progressive, democratic, social-democratic, socialist and labour movement".
Social and political theory
Early socialist thought took influences from a diverse range of philosophies such as civic republicanism, Enlightenment rationalism, romanticism, forms of materialism, Christianity (both Catholic and Protestant), natural law and natural rights theory, utilitarianism and liberal political economy. Another philosophical basis for a lot of early socialism was the emergence of positivism during the European Enlightenment. Positivism held that both the natural and social worlds could be understood through scientific knowledge and be analysed using scientific methods. This core outlook influenced early social scientists and different types of socialists ranging from anarchists like Peter Kropotkin to technocrats like Saint Simon.
The fundamental objective of socialism is to attain an advanced level of material production and therefore greater productivity, efficiency and rationality as compared to capitalism and all previous systems, under the view that an expansion of human productive capability is the basis for the extension of freedom and equality in society. Many forms of socialist theory hold that human behaviour is largely shaped by the social environment. In particular, socialism holds that social mores, values, cultural traits and economic practices are social creations and not the result of an immutable natural law. The object of their critique is thus not human avarice or human consciousness, but the material conditions and man-made social systems (i.e. the economic structure of society) that gives rise to observed social problems and inefficiencies. Bertrand Russell, often considered to be the father of analytic philosophy, identified as a socialist. Russell opposed the class struggle aspects of Marxism, viewing socialism solely as an adjustment of economic relations to accommodate modern machine production to benefit all of humanity through the progressive reduction of necessary work time.
Socialists view creativity as an essential aspect of human nature and define freedom as a state of being where individuals are able to express their creativity unhindered by constraints of both material scarcity and coercive social institutions. The socialist concept of individuality is intertwined with the concept of individual creative expression. Karl Marx believed that expansion of the productive forces and technology was the basis for the expansion of human freedom and that socialism, being a system that is consistent with modern developments in technology, would enable the flourishing of "free individualities" through the progressive reduction of necessary labour time. The reduction of necessary labour time to a minimum would grant individuals the opportunity to pursue the development of their true individuality and creativity.
Criticism of capitalism
Socialists argue that the accumulation of capital generates waste through externalities that require costly corrective regulatory measures. They also point out that this process generates wasteful industries and practices that exist only to generate sufficient demand for products such as high-pressure advertisement to be sold at a profit, thereby creating rather than satisfying economic demand.
Socialists argue that capitalism consists of irrational activity, such as the purchasing of commodities only to sell at a later time when their price appreciates, rather than for consumption, even if the commodity cannot be sold at a profit to individuals in need and therefore a crucial criticism often made by socialists is that "making money", or accumulation of capital, does not correspond to the satisfaction of demand (the production of use-values). The fundamental criterion for economic activity in capitalism is the accumulation of capital for reinvestment in production, but this spurs the development of new, non-productive industries that do not produce use-value and only exist to keep the accumulation process afloat (otherwise the system goes into crisis), such as the spread of the financial industry, contributing to the formation of economic bubbles.
Socialists view private property relations as limiting the potential of productive forces in the economy. According to socialists, private property becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralised, socialised institutions based on private appropriation of revenue—but based on cooperative work and internal planning in allocation of inputs—until the role of the capitalist becomes redundant. With no need for capital accumulation and a class of owners, private property in the means of production is perceived as being an outdated form of economic organisation that should be replaced by a free association of individuals based on public or common ownership of these socialised assets. Private ownership imposes constraints on planning, leading to uncoordinated economic decisions that result in business fluctuations, unemployment and a tremendous waste of material resources during crisis of overproduction.
Excessive disparities in income distribution lead to social instability and require costly corrective measures in the form of redistributive taxation, which incurs heavy administrative costs while weakening the incentive to work, inviting dishonesty and increasing the likelihood of tax evasion while (the corrective measures) reduce the overall efficiency of the market economy. These corrective policies limit the incentive system of the market by providing things such as minimum wages, unemployment insurance, taxing profits and reducing the reserve army of labour, resulting in reduced incentives for capitalists to invest in more production. In essence, social welfare policies cripple capitalism and its incentive system and are thus unsustainable in the long-run. Marxists argue that the establishment of a socialist mode of production is the only way to overcome these deficiencies. Socialists and specifically Marxian socialists argue that the inherent conflict of interests between the working class and capital prevent optimal use of available human resources and leads to contradictory interest groups (labour and business) striving to influence the state to intervene in the economy in their favour at the expense of overall economic efficiency.
Early socialists (utopian socialists and Ricardian socialists) criticised capitalism for concentrating power and wealth within a small segment of society. In addition, they complained that capitalism does not use available technology and resources to their maximum potential in the interests of the public.
—Karl Marx, Critique of the Gotha Program
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels argued that socialism would emerge from historical necessity as capitalism rendered itself obsolete and unsustainable from increasing internal contradictions emerging from the development of the productive forces and technology. It was these advances in the productive forces combined with the old social relations of production of capitalism that would generate contradictions, leading to working-class consciousness.
Marx and Engels held the view that the consciousness of those who earn a wage or salary (the working class in the broadest Marxist sense) would be moulded by their conditions of wage slavery, leading to a tendency to seek their freedom or emancipation by overthrowing ownership of the means of production by capitalists and consequently, overthrowing the state that upheld this economic order. For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a classless society in which the state would wither away. The Marxist conception of socialism is that of a specific historical phase that would displace capitalism and precede communism. The major characteristics of socialism (particularly as conceived by Marx and Engels after the Paris Commune of 1871) are that the proletariat would control the means of production through a workers' state erected by the workers in their interests. Economic activity would still be organised through the use of incentive systems and social classes would still exist, but to a lesser and diminishing extent than under capitalism.
For orthodox Marxists, socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his contribution" while upper stage communism is based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need", the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services. Marx argued that the material productive forces (in industry and commerce) brought into existence by capitalism predicated a cooperative society since production had become a mass social, collective activity of the working class to create commodities but with private ownership (the relations of production or property relations). This conflict between collective effort in large factories and private ownership would bring about a conscious desire in the working class to establish collective ownership commensurate with the collective efforts their daily experience.
Role of the state
Socialists have taken different perspectives on the state and the role it should play in revolutionary struggles, in constructing socialism and within an established socialist economy.
In the 19th century, the philosophy of state socialism was first explicitly expounded by the German political philosopher Ferdinand Lassalle. In contrast to Karl Marx's perspective of the state, Lassalle rejected the concept of the state as a class-based power structure whose main function was to preserve existing class structures. Lassalle also rejected the Marxist view that the state was destined to "wither away". Lassalle considered the state to be an entity independent of class allegiances and an instrument of justice that would therefore be essential for achieving socialism.
Preceding the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, many socialists including reformists, orthodox Marxist currents such as council communism, anarchists and libertarian socialists criticised the idea of using the state to conduct central planning and own the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Following the victory of Leninism in Russia, the idea of "state socialism" spread rapidly throughout the socialist movement and eventually state socialism came to be identified with the Soviet economic model.
Joseph Schumpeter rejected the association of socialism and social ownership with state ownership over the means of production because the state as it exists in its current form is a product of capitalist society and cannot be transplanted to a different institutional framework. Schumpeter argued that there would be different institutions within socialism than those that exist within modern capitalism, just as feudalism had its own distinct and unique institutional forms. The state, along with concepts like property and taxation, were concepts exclusive to commercial society (capitalism) and attempting to place them within the context of a future socialist society would amount to a distortion of these concepts by using them out of context.
Utopian versus scientific
Utopian socialism is a term used to define the first currents of modern socialist thought as exemplified by the work of Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier and Robert Owen which inspired Karl Marx and other early socialists. However, visions of imaginary ideal societies, which competed with revolutionary social democratic movements, were viewed as not being grounded in the material conditions of society and as reactionary. Although it is technically possible for any set of ideas or any person living at any time in history to be a utopian socialist, the term is most often applied to those socialists who lived in the first quarter of the 19th century who were ascribed the label "utopian" by later socialists as a negative term in order to imply naivete and dismiss their ideas as fanciful or unrealistic.
Religious sects whose members live communally such as the Hutterites are not usually called "utopian socialists", although their way of living is a prime example. They have been categorised as religious socialists by some. Similarly, modern intentional communities based on socialist ideas could also be categorised as "utopian socialist".
For Marxists, the development of capitalism in Western Europe provided a material basis for the possibility of bringing about socialism because according to The Communist Manifesto "[w]hat the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers", namely the working class, which must become conscious of the historical objectives set it by society.
Reform versus revolution
Revolutionary socialists believe that a social revolution is necessary to effect structural changes to the socioeconomic structure of society. Among revolutionary socialists there are differences in strategy, theory and the definition of revolution. Orthodox Marxists and left communists take an impossibilist stance, believing that revolution should be spontaneous as a result of contradictions in society due to technological changes in the productive forces. Lenin theorised that under capitalism the workers cannot achieve class consciousness beyond organising into trade unions and making demands of the capitalists. Therefore, Leninists advocate that it is historically necessary for a vanguard of class conscious revolutionaries to take a central role in coordinating the social revolution to overthrow the capitalist state and eventually the institution of the state altogether. Revolution is not necessarily defined by revolutionary socialists as violent insurrection, but as a complete dismantling and rapid transformation of all areas of class society led by the majority of the masses: the working class.
Reformism is generally associated with social democracy and gradualist democratic socialism. Reformism is the belief that socialists should stand in parliamentary elections within capitalist society and if elected use the machinery of government to pass political and social reforms for the purposes of ameliorating the instabilities and inequities of capitalism. Within socialism, reformism is used in two different ways. One has no intention of bringing about socialism or fundamental economic change to society and is used to oppose such structural changes. The other is based on the assumption that while reforms are not socialist in themselves, they can help rally supporters to the cause of revolution by popularizing the cause of socialism to the working class.
The debate on the ability for social democratic reformism to lead to a socialist transformation of society is over a century old. Reformism is criticized for being paradoxical as it seeks to overcome the existing economic system of capitalism while trying to improve the conditions of capitalism, thereby making it appear more tolerable to society. According to Rosa Luxemburg, capitalism is not overthrown, "but is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms". In a similar vein, Stan Parker of the Socialist Party of Great Britain argues that reforms are a diversion of energy for socialists and are limited because they must adhere to the logic of capitalism. French social theorist Andre Gorz criticized reformism by advocating a third alternative to reformism and social revolution that he called "non-reformist reforms", specifically focused on structural changes to capitalism as opposed to reforms to improve living conditions within capitalism or to prop it up through economic interventions.
—Albert Einstein, "Why Socialism?", 1949
Socialist economics starts from the premise that "individuals do not live or work in isolation but live in cooperation with one another. Furthermore, everything that people produce is in some sense a social product, and everyone who contributes to the production of a good is entitled to a share in it. Society as whole, therefore, should own or at least control property for the benefit of all its members".
The original conception of socialism was an economic system whereby production was organised in a way to directly produce goods and services for their utility (or use-value in classical and Marxian economics), with the direct allocation of resources in terms of physical units as opposed to financial calculation and the economic laws of capitalism (see law of value), often entailing the end of capitalistic economic categories such as rent, interest, profit and money. In a fully developed socialist economy, production and balancing factor inputs with outputs becomes a technical process to be undertaken by engineers.
Market socialism refers to an array of different economic theories and systems that use the market mechanism to organise production and to allocate factor inputs among socially owned enterprises, with the economic surplus (profits) accruing to society in a social dividend as opposed to private capital owners. Variations of market socialism include libertarian proposals such as mutualism, based on classical economics, and neoclassical economic models such as the Lange Model. However, some economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, Mancur Olson and others not specifically advancing anti-socialists positions have shown that prevailing economic models upon which such democratic or market socialism models might be based have logical flaws or unworkable presuppositions.
The ownership of the means of production can be based on direct ownership by the users of the productive property through worker cooperative; or commonly owned by all of society with management and control delegated to those who operate/use the means of production; or public ownership by a state apparatus. Public ownership may refer to the creation of state-owned enterprises, nationalisation, municipalisation or autonomous collective institutions. Some socialists feel that in a socialist economy, at least the "commanding heights" of the economy must be publicly owned. However, economic liberals and right libertarians view private ownership of the means of production and the market exchange as natural entities or moral rights which are central to their conceptions of freedom and liberty and view the economic dynamics of capitalism as immutable and absolute, therefore they perceive public ownership of the means of production, cooperatives and economic planning as infringements upon liberty.
Management and control over the activities of enterprises are based on self-management and self-governance, with equal power-relations in the workplace to maximise occupational autonomy. A socialist form of organisation would eliminate controlling hierarchies so that only a hierarchy based on technical knowledge in the workplace remains. Every member would have decision-making power in the firm and would be able to participate in establishing its overall policy objectives. The policies/goals would be carried out by the technical specialists that form the coordinating hierarchy of the firm, who would establish plans or directives for the work community to accomplish these goals.
The role and use of money in a hypothetical socialist economy is a contested issue. According to the Austrian school economist Ludwig von Mises, an economic system that does not use money, financial calculation and market pricing would be unable to effectively value capital goods and coordinate production and therefore these types of socialism are impossible because they lack the necessary information to perform economic calculation in the first place. Socialists including Karl Marx, Robert Owen, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and John Stuart Mill advocated various forms of labour vouchers or labour credits, which like money would be used to acquire articles of consumption, but unlike money they are unable to become capital and would not be used to allocate resources within the production process. Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky argued that money could not be arbitrarily abolished following a socialist revolution. Money had to exhaust its "historic mission", meaning it would have to be used until its function became redundant, eventually being transformed into bookkeeping receipts for statisticians and only in the more distant future would money not be required for even that role.
A planned economy is a type of economy consisting of a mixture of public ownership of the means of production and the coordination of production and distribution through economic planning. A planned economy can be either decentralised or centralised. Enrico Barone provided a comprehensive theoretical framework for a planned socialist economy. In his model, assuming perfect computation techniques, simultaneous equations relating inputs and outputs to ratios of equivalence would provide appropriate valuations in order to balance supply and demand.
The most prominent example of a planned economy was the economic system of the Soviet Union and as such the centralised-planned economic model is usually associated with the communist states of the 20th century, where it was combined with a single-party political system. In a centrally planned economy, decisions regarding the quantity of goods and services to be produced are planned in advance by a planning agency (see also the analysis of Soviet-type economic planning). The economic systems of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc are further classified as "command economies", which are defined as systems where economic coordination is undertaken by commands, directives and production targets. Studies by economists of various political persuasions on the actual functioning of the Soviet economy indicate that it was not actually a planned economy. Instead of conscious planning, the Soviet economy was based on a process whereby the plan was modified by localised agents and the original plans went largely unfulfilled. Planning agencies, ministries and enterprises all adapted and bargained with each other during the formulation of the plan as opposed to following a plan passed down from a higher authority, leading some economists to suggest that planning did not actually take place within the Soviet economy and that a better description would be an "administered" or "managed" economy.
Although central planning was largely supported by Marxist–Leninists, some factions within the Soviet Union before the rise of Stalinism held positions contrary to central planning. Leon Trotsky rejected central planning in favour of decentralised planning. He argued that central planners, regardless of their intellectual capacity, would be unable to coordinate effectively all economic activity within an economy because they operated without the input and tacit knowledge embodied by the participation of the millions of people in the economy. As a result, central planners would be unable to respond to local economic conditions. State socialism is unfeasible in this view because information cannot be aggregated by a central body and effectively used to formulate a plan for an entire economy, because doing so would result in distorted or absent price signals.
A self-managed, decentralised economy is based on autonomous self-regulating economic units and a decentralised mechanism of resource allocation and decision-making. This model has found support in notable classical and neoclassical economists including Alfred Marshall, John Stuart Mill and Jaroslav Vanek. There are numerous variations of self-management, including labour-managed firms and worker-managed firms. The goals of self-management are to eliminate exploitation and reduce alienation. Guild socialism is a political movement advocating workers' control of industry through the medium of trade-related guilds "in an implied contractual relationship with the public". It originated in the United Kingdom and was at its most influential in the first quarter of the 20th century. It was strongly associated with G. D. H. Cole and influenced by the ideas of William Morris.
One such system is the cooperative economy, a largely free market economy in which workers manage the firms and democratically determine remuneration levels and labour divisions. Productive resources would be legally owned by the cooperative and rented to the workers, who would enjoy usufruct rights. Another form of decentralised planning is the use of cybernetics, or the use of computers to manage the allocation of economic inputs. The socialist-run government of Salvador Allende in Chile experimented with Project Cybersyn, a real-time information bridge between the government, state enterprises and consumers. Another, more recent variant is participatory economics, wherein the economy is planned by decentralised councils of workers and consumers. Workers would be remunerated solely according to effort and sacrifice, so that those engaged in dangerous, uncomfortable and strenuous work would receive the highest incomes and could thereby work less. A contemporary model for a self-managed, non-market socialism is Pat Devine's model of negotiated coordination. Negotiated coordination is based upon social ownership by those affected by the use of the assets involved, with decisions made by those at the most localised level of production.
Michel Bauwens identifies the emergence of the open software movement and peer-to-peer production as a new alternative mode of production to the capitalist economy and centrally planned economy that is based on collaborative self-management, common ownership of resources and the production of use-values through the free cooperation of producers who have access to distributed capital.
Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism which advocates the abolition of the state, private property and capitalism in favour of common ownership of the means of production. Anarcho-syndicalism was practised in Catalonia and other places in the Spanish Revolution during the Spanish Civil War. Sam Dolgoff estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish Revolution.
The economy of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia established a system based on market-based allocation, social ownership of the means of production and self-management within firms. This system substituted Yugoslavia's Soviet-type central planning with a decentralised, self-managed system after reforms in 1953.
The Marxian economist Richard D. Wolff argues that "re-organising production so that workers become collectively self-directed at their work-sites" not only moves society beyond both capitalism and state socialism of the last century, but would also mark another milestone in human history, similar to earlier transitions out of slavery and feudalism. As an example, Wolff claims that Mondragon is "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organisation of production".
State socialism can be used to classify any variety of socialist philosophies that advocates the ownership of the means of production by the state apparatus, either as a transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, or as an end-goal in itself. Typically, it refers to a form of technocratic management, whereby technical specialists administer or manage economic enterprises on behalf of society and the public interest instead of workers' councils or workplace democracy.
A state-directed economy may refer to a type of mixed economy consisting of public ownership over large industries, as promoted by various Social democratic political parties during the 20th century. This ideology influenced the policies of the British Labour Party during Clement Attlee's administration. In the biography of the 1945 United Kingdom Labour Party Prime Minister Clement Attlee, Francis Beckett states: "[T]he government [...] wanted what would become known as a mixed economy".
Nationalisation in the United Kingdom was achieved through compulsory purchase of the industry (i.e. with compensation). British Aerospace was a combination of major aircraft companies British Aircraft Corporation, Hawker Siddeley and others. British Shipbuilders was a combination of the major shipbuilding companies including Cammell Laird, Govan Shipbuilders, Swan Hunter and Yarrow Shipbuilders, whereas the nationalisation of the coal mines in 1947 created a coal board charged with running the coal industry commercially so as to be able to meet the interest payable on the bonds which the former mine owners' shares had been converted into.
Market socialism consists of publicly owned or cooperatively owned enterprises operating in a market economy. It is a system that uses the market and monetary prices for the allocation and accounting of the means of production, thereby retaining the process of capital accumulation. The profit generated would be used to directly remunerate employees, collectively sustain the enterprise or finance public institutions. In state-oriented forms of market socialism, in which state enterprises attempt to maximise profit, the profits can be used to fund government programs and services through a social dividend, eliminating or greatly diminishing the need for various forms of taxation that exist in capitalist systems. Neoclassical economist Léon Walras believed that a socialist economy based on state ownership of land and natural resources would provide a means of public finance to make income taxes unnecessary. Yugoslavia implemented a market socialist economy based on cooperatives and worker self-management.
Mutualism is an economic theory and anarchist school of thought that advocates a society where each person might possess a means of production, either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labour in the free market. Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration. Mutualism is based on a labour theory of value that holds that when labour or its product is sold, in exchange it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labour necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".
The current economic system in China is formally referred to as a socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics. It combines a large state sector that comprises the commanding heights of the economy, which are guaranteed their public ownership status by law, with a private sector mainly engaged in commodity production and light industry responsible from anywhere between 33% to over 70% of GDP generated in 2005. Although there has been a rapid expansion of private-sector activity since the 1980s, privatisation of state assets was virtually halted and were partially reversed in 2005. The current Chinese economy consists of 150 corporatised state-owned enterprises that report directly to China's central government. By 2008, these state-owned corporations had become increasingly dynamic and generated large increases in revenue for the state, resulting in a state-sector led recovery during the 2009 financial crises while accounting for most of China's economic growth. However, the Chinese economic model is widely cited as a contemporary form of state capitalism, the major difference between Western capitalism and the Chinese model being the degree of state-ownership of shares in publicly listed corporations.
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam has adopted a similar model after the Doi Moi economic renovation, but slightly differs from the Chinese model in that the Vietnamese government retains firm control over the state sector and strategic industries, but allows for private-sector activity in commodity production.
While major socialist political movements include anarchism, communism, the labour movement, Marxism, social democracy and syndicalism, independent socialist theorists, utopian socialist authors and academic supporters of socialism may not be represented in these movements. Some political groups have called themselves socialist while holding views that some consider antithetical to socialism. The term socialist has also been used by some politicians on the political right as an epithet against certain individuals who do not consider themselves to be socialists and against policies that are not considered socialist by their proponents. There are many variations of socialism and as such there is no single definition encapsulating all of socialism. However, there have been common elements identified by scholars.
In his Dictionary of Socialism (1924), Angelo S. Rappoport analysed forty definitions of socialism to conclude that common elements of socialism include general criticism of the social effects of private ownership and control of capital—as being the cause of poverty, low wages, unemployment, economic and social inequality and a lack of economic security; a general view that the solution to these problems is a form of collective control over the means of production, distribution and exchange (the degree and means of control vary amongst socialist movements); an agreement that the outcome of this collective control should be a society based upon social justice, including social equality, economic protection of people and should provide a more satisfying life for most people.
In The Concepts of Socialism (1975), Bhikhu Parekh identifies four core principles of socialism and particularly socialist society, namely sociality, social responsibility, cooperation and planning. In his study Ideologies and Political Theory (1996), Michael Freeden states that all socialists share five themes: the first is that socialism posits that society is more than a mere collection of individuals; second, that it considers human welfare a desirable objective; third, that it considers humans by nature to be active and productive; fourth, it holds the belief of human equality; and fifth, that history is progressive and will create positive change on the condition that humans work to achieve such change.
Anarchism advocates stateless societies often defined as self-governed voluntary institutions, but that several authors have defined as more specific institutions based on non-hierarchical free associations. While anarchism holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary or harmful, it is not the central aspect. Anarchism entails opposing authority or hierarchical organisation in the conduct of human relations, including the state system. Mutualists support market socialism, collectivist anarchists favour workers cooperatives and salaries based on the amount of time contributed to production, anarcho-communists advocate a direct transition from capitalism to libertarian communism and a gift economy and anarcho-syndicalists prefer workers' direct action and the general strike.
The authoritarian–libertarian struggles and disputes within the socialist movement go back to the First International and the expulsion in 1872 of the anarchists, who went on to lead the Anti-authoritarian International and then founded their own libertarian international, the Anarchist St. Imier International. In 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who proclaimed himself to be an anarchistic socialist and libertarian socialist in opposition to the authoritarian state socialism and the compulsory communism, included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest Lesigne in his essay on "State Socialism and Anarchism". According to Lesigne, there are two types of socialism: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian". Tucker's two socialisms were the authoritarian state socialism which he associated to the Marxist school and the libertarian anarchist socialism, or simply anarchism, that he advocated. Tucker noted that the fact that the authoritarian "State Socialism has overshadowed other forms of Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea". According to Tucker, what those two schools of socialism had in common was the labor theory of value and the ends, by which anarchism pursued different means.
According to anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ, anarchism is one of the many traditions of socialism. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism "can only mean a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self-management in all aspects of life", including at the workplace. Michael Newman includes anarchism as one of many socialist traditions. Peter Marshall argues that "[i]n general anarchism is closer to socialism than liberalism. [...] Anarchism finds itself largely in the socialist camp, but it also has outriders in liberalism. It cannot be reduced to socialism, and is best seen as a separate and distinctive doctrine".
—Martin Luther King Jr., 1966
Democratic socialism represents any socialist movement that seeks to establish an economy based on economic democracy by and for the working class. Democratic socialism is difficult to define and groups of scholars have radically different definitions for the term. Some definitions simply refer to all forms of socialism that follow an electoral, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one. According to Christopher Pierson, "[i]f the contrast which 1989 highlights is not that between socialism in the East and liberal democracy in the West, the latter must be recognized to have been shaped, reformed and compromised by a century of social democratic pressure". Pierson further claims that "social democratic and socialist parties within the constitutional arena in the West have almost always been involved in a politics of compromise with existing capitalist institutions (to whatever far distant prize its eyes might from time to time have been lifted)". For Pierson, "if advocates of the death of socialism accept that social democrats belong within the socialist camp, as I think they must, then the contrast between socialism (in all its variants) and liberal democracy must collapse. For actually existing liberal democracy is, in substantial part, a product of socialist (social democratic) forces".
Social democracy is a socialist tradition of political thought. Many social democrats refer to themselves as socialists or democratic socialists and some such as Tony Blair employ these terms interchangeably. Others found "clear differences" between the three terms and prefer to describe their own political beliefs by using the term social democracy. The two main directions were to establish democratic socialism or to build first a welfare state within the capitalist system. The first variant advances democratic socialism through reformist and gradualist methods. In the second variant, social democracy is a policy regime involving a welfare state, collective bargaining schemes, support for publicly financed public services and a mixed economy. It is often used in this manner to refer to Western and Northern Europe during the later half of the 20th century. It was described by Jerry Mander as "hybrid economics", an active collaboration of capitalist and socialist visions. Numerous studies and surveys indicate that people tend to live happier lives in social democratic societies rather than neoliberal ones.
Social democrats advocate for a peaceful, evolutionary transition of the economy to socialism through progressive social reform. It asserts that the only acceptable constitutional form of government is representative democracy under the rule of law. It promotes extending democratic decision-making beyond political democracy to include economic democracy to guarantee employees and other economic stakeholders sufficient rights of co-determination. It supports a mixed economy that opposes inequality, poverty and oppression while rejecting both a totally unregulated market economy or a fully planned economy. Common social democratic policies include universal social rights and universally accessible public services such as education, health care, workers' compensation and other services, including child care and elder care. Social democracy supports the trade union labour movement and supports collective bargaining rights for workers. Most social democratic parties are affiliated with the Socialist International.
Modern democratic socialism is a broad political movement that seeks to promote the ideals of socialism within the context of a democratic system. Some democratic socialists support social democracy as a temporary measure to reform the current system while others reject reformism in favour of more revolutionary methods. Modern social democracy emphasises a program of gradual legislative modification of capitalism in order to make it more equitable and humane while the theoretical end goal of building a socialist society is relegated to the indefinite future. According to Sheri Berman, Marxism is loosely held to be valuable for its emphasis on changing the world for a more just, better future.
The two movements are widely similar both in terminology and in ideology, although there are a few key differences. The major difference between social democracy and democratic socialism is the object of their politics in that contemporary social democrats support a welfare state and unemployment insurance as well as other practical, progressive reforms of capitalism and are more concerned to administrate and humanise it. On the other hand, democratic socialists seek to replace capitalism with a socialist economic system, arguing that any attempt to humanise capitalism through regulations and welfare policies would distort the market and create economic contradictions.
Ethical socialism appeals to socialism on ethical and moral grounds as opposed to economic, egoistic and consumeristic grounds. It emphasizes the need for a morally conscious economy based upon the principles of altruism, cooperation and social justice while opposing possessive individualism. Ethical socialism has been the official philosophy of mainstream socialist parties.
Liberal socialism incorporates liberal principles to socialism. It has been compared to post-war social democracy for its support of a mixed economy that includes both public and private capital goods. While democratic socialism and social democracy are anti-capitalist positions insofar as criticism of capitalism is linked to the private ownership of the means of production, liberal socialism identifies artificial and legalistic monopolies to be the fault of capitalism and opposes an entirely unregulated market economy. It considers both liberty and social equality to be compatible and mutually dependent.
Principles that can be described as ethical or liberal socialist have been based upon or developed by philosophers such as John Stuart Mill, Eduard Bernstein, John Dewey, Carlo Rosselli, Norberto Bobbio and Chantal Mouffe. Other important liberal socialist figures include Guido Calogero, Piero Gobetti, Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse, John Maynard Keynes and R. H. Tawney. Liberal socialism has been particularly prominent in British and Italian politics.
Leninism and precedents
Blanquism is a conception of revolution named for Louis Auguste Blanqui. It holds that socialist revolution should be carried out by a relatively small group of highly organised and secretive conspirators. Upon seizing power, the revolutionaries introduce socialism. Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein criticised Lenin, stating that his conception of revolution was elitist and Blanquist. Marxism–Leninism combines Marx's scientific socialist concepts and Lenin's anti-imperialism, democratic centralism and vanguardism.
Hal Draper defined socialism from above as the philosophy which employs an elite administration to run the socialist state. The other side of socialism is a more democratic socialism from below. The idea of socialism from above is much more frequently discussed in elite circles than socialism from below—even if that is the Marxist ideal—because it is more practical. Draper viewed socialism from below as being the purer, more Marxist version of socialism. According to Draper, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were devoutly opposed to any socialist institution that was "conducive to superstitious authoritarianism". Draper makes the argument that this division echoes the division between "reformist or revolutionary, peaceful or violent, democratic or authoritarian, etc." and further identifies six major varieties of socialism from above, among them "Philanthropism", "Elitism", "Pannism", "Communism", "Permeationism" and "Socialism-from-Outside".
According to Arthur Lipow, Marx and Engels were "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism", described as a form of "socialism from below" that is "based on a mass working-class movement, fighting from below for the extension of democracy and human freedom". This type of socialism is contrasted to that of the "authoritarian, antidemocratic creed" and "the various totalitarian collectivist ideologies which claim the title of socialism" as well as "the many varieties of 'socialism from above' which have led in the twentieth century to movements and state forms in which a despotic 'new class' rules over a statified economy in the name of socialism", a division that "runs through the history of the socialist movement". Lipow identifies Bellamyism and Stalinism as two prominent authoritarian socialist currents within the history of the socialist movement.
Libertarian socialism, sometimes called left-libertarianism, social anarchism and socialist libertarianism, is an anti-authoritarian, anti-statist and libertarian tradition within socialism that rejects centralised state ownership and control including criticism of wage labour relationships (wage slavery) as well as the state itself. It emphasises workers' self-management and decentralised structures of political organisation. Libertarian socialism asserts that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control production. Libertarian socialists generally prefer direct democracy and federal or confederal associations such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions and workers' councils.
Anarcho-syndicalist Gaston Leval explained: "We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. [...] In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion". All of this is generally done within a general call for libertarian and voluntary free associations through the identification, criticism and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of human life.
As part of the larger socialist movement, it seeks to distinguish itself from Bolshevism, Leninism and Marxism–Leninism as well as social democracy. Past and present political philosophies and movements commonly described as libertarian socialist include anarchism (anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism collectivist anarchism, individualist anarchism and mutualism), autonomism, Communalism, participism, libertarian Marxism (council communism and Luxemburgism), revolutionary syndicalism and utopian socialism (Fourierism).
Christian socialism is a broad concept involving an intertwining of Christian religion with socialism.
Islamic socialism is a more spiritual form of socialism. Muslim socialists believe that the teachings of the Qur'an and Muhammad are not only compatible with, but actively promoting the principles of equality and public ownership, drawing inspiration from the early Medina welfare state he established. Muslim socialists are more conservative than their Western contemporaries and find their roots in anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and sometimes, if in an Arab speaking country, Arab nationalism. Islamic socialists believe in deriving legitimacy from political mandate as opposed to religious texts.
Socialist feminism is a branch of feminism that argues that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both economic and cultural sources of women's oppression. Marxist feminism's foundation was laid by Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (1884). August Bebel's Woman under Socialism (1879), is the "single work dealing with sexuality most widely read by rank-and-file members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD)". In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were against the demonisation of men and supported a proletariat revolution that would overcome as many male-female inequalities as possible. As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin and Alexandra Kollontai, counterposed Marxism against liberal feminism rather than trying to combine them. Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th- and early 20th-century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres ("Free Women") linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organised to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. In 1972, the Chicago Women's Liberation Union published "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement", which is believed to be the first published use of the term "socialist feminism".
Many socialists were early advocates for LGBT rights. For early socialist Charles Fourier, true freedom could only occur without suppressing passions, as the suppression of passions is not only destructive to the individual, but to society as a whole. Writing before the advent of the term "homosexuality", Fourier recognised that both men and women have a wide range of sexual needs and preferences which may change throughout their lives, including same-sex sexuality and androgénité. He argued that all sexual expressions should be enjoyed as long as people are not abused and that "affirming one's difference" can actually enhance social integration. In Oscar Wilde's The Soul of Man Under Socialism, he advocates for an egalitarian society where wealth is shared by all, while warning of the dangers of social systems that crush individuality. Edward Carpenter actively campaigned for homosexual rights. His work The Intermediate Sex: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women was a 1908 book arguing for gay liberation. who was an influential personality in the foundation of the Fabian Society and the Labour Party. After the Russian Revolution under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, the Soviet Union abolished previous laws against homosexuality. Harry Hay was an early leader in the American LGBT rights movement as well as a member of the Communist Party USA. He is known for his roles in helping to found gay organisations, including the Mattachine Society, the first sustained gay rights group in the United States which in its early days reflected a strong Marxist influence. The Encyclopedia of Homosexuality reports that "[a]s Marxists the founders of the group believed that the injustice and oppression which they suffered stemmed from relationships deeply embedded in the structure of American society". Emerging from events such as the May 1968 insurrection in France, the anti-Vietnam war movement in the US and the Stonewall riots of 1969, militant gay liberation organisations began to spring up around the world. Many sprang from left radicalism more than established homophile groups, although the Gay Liberation Front took an anti-capitalist stance and attacked the nuclear family and traditional gender roles.
Eco-socialism is a political strain merging aspects of socialism, Marxism or libertarian socialism with green politics, ecology and alter-globalisation. Eco-socialists generally claim that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, poverty, war and environmental degradation through globalisation and imperialism under the supervision of repressive states and transnational structures. Contrary to the depiction of Karl Marx by some environmentalists, social ecologists and fellow socialists as a productivist who favoured the domination of nature, eco-socialists revisited Marx's writings and believe that he "was a main originator of the ecological world-view". Marx discussed a "metabolic rift" between man and nature, stating that "private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite absurd as private ownership of one man by another" and his observation that a society must "hand it [the planet] down to succeeding generations in an improved condition". English socialist William Morris is credited with developing principles of what was later called eco-socialism. During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his ideas within the Social Democratic Federation and Socialist League. Green anarchism blends anarchism with environmental issues. An important early influence was Henry David Thoreau and his book Walden as well as Élisée Reclus.
In the late 19th century, anarcho-naturism fused anarchism and naturist philosophies within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain, Cuba and Portugal. Murray Bookchin's first book Our Synthetic Environment was followed by his essay "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" which introduced ecology as a concept in radical politics. In the 1970s, Barry Commoner, claimed that capitalist technologies were chiefly responsible for environmental degradation as opposed to population pressures. In the 1990s socialist/feminists Mary Mellor and Ariel Salleh adopt an eco-socialist paradigm. An "environmentalism of the poor" combining ecological awareness and social justice has also become prominent. Pepper critiqued the current approach of many within green politics, particularly deep ecologists.
Many green parties around the world such as the Dutch Green Left Party (GroenLinks) employ eco-socialist elements. Radical red-green alliances have been formed in many countries by eco-socialists, radical greens and other radical left groups. In Denmark, the Red-Green Alliance was formed as a coalition of numerous radical parties. Within the European Parliament, a number of leftist parties from Northern Europe have organised themselves into the Nordic Green Left Alliance.
Syndicalism operates through industrial trade unions. It rejects state socialism and the use of establishment politics. Syndicalists reject state power in favour of strategies such as the general strike. Syndicalists advocate a socialist economy based on federated unions or syndicates of workers who own and manage the means of production. Some Marxist currents advocate syndicalism, such as De Leonism. Anarcho-syndicalism views syndicalism as a method for workers in capitalist society to gain control of an economy. The Spanish Revolution was largely orchestrated by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. The International Workers' Association is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labour unions and initiatives.
Socialism is criticised in terms of its models of economic organization as well as its political and social implications. Other critiques are directed at the socialist movement, parties or existing states. Some criticisms occupy theoretical grounds (such as in the economic calculation problem and the socialist calculation debate) while others support their criticism by examining historical attempts to establish socialist societies. Because of socialism's many varieties, most critiques focused on a specific approach. Proponents of one approach typically criticise others.
- Anarchism and socialism
- List of anti-capitalist and communist parties with national parliamentary representation
- List of communist ideologies
- List of socialist economists
- List of socialist songs
- List of socialist states
- Socialism by country
- ^ a b Busky, Donald F. (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-275-96886-1.
Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism.
- ^ Arnold, N. Scott (1998). The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism: A Critical Study. Oxford University Press. p. 8. "What else does a socialist economic system involve? Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system."
- ^ Rosser, Mariana V. and J Barkley Jr. (23 July 2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-262-18234-8.
Socialism is an economic system characterised by state or collective ownership of the means of production, land, and capital.
- ^ Bertrand Badie; Dirk Berg-Schlosser; Leonardo Morlino (2011). International Encyclopedia of Political Science. SAGE Publications. p. 2456. ISBN 978-1-4129-5963-6.
Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources.
- ^ Zimbalist, Sherman and Brown, Andrew, Howard J. and Stuart (1988). Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach. Harcourt College Pub. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-15-512403-5.
Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups.
- ^ Brus, Wlodzimierz (2015). The Economics and Politics of Socialism. Routledge. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-415-86647-7.
This alteration in the relationship between economy and politics is evident in the very definition of a socialist economic system. The basic characteristic of such a system is generally reckoned to be the predominance of the social ownership of the means of production.
- ^ a b Nove, Alec. "Socialism". New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition (2008).
A society may be defined as socialist if the major part of the means of production of goods and services is in some sense socially owned and operated, by state, socialised or cooperative enterprises. The practical issues of socialism comprise the relationships between management and workforce within the enterprise, the interrelationships between production units (plan versus markets), and, if the state owns and operates any part of the economy, who controls it and how.
- ^ Michie, Jonathan (2001). Readers Guide to the Social Sciences. Routledge. p. 1516. ISBN 978-1-57958-091-9.
Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend…Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society—i.e. every individual equally—owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs.
- ^ "Socialism". The Free Dictionary. "2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) any of various social or political theories or movements in which the common welfare is to be achieved through the establishment of a socialist economic system". Retrieved 27 January 2020.
- ^ O'Hara, Phillip (2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-415-24187-8.
In order of increasing decentralisation (at least) three forms of socialised ownership can be distinguished: state-owned firms, employee-owned (or socially) owned firms, and citizen ownership of equity.
- ^ a b Lamb & Docherty 2006, p. 1
- ^ Arnold, Scott (1994). The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism: A Critical Study. Oxford University Press. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0-19-508827-4.
This term is harder to define, since socialists disagree among themselves about what socialism 'really is.' It would seem that everyone (socialists and nonsocialists alike) could at least agree that it is not a system in which there is widespread private ownership of the means of production…To be a socialist is not just to believe in certain ends, goals, values, or ideals. It also requires a belief in a certain institutional means to achieve those ends; whatever that may mean in positive terms, it certainly presupposes, at a minimum, the belief that these ends and values cannot be achieved in an economic system in which there is widespread private ownership of the means of production…Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system.
- ^ Hastings, Mason and Pyper, Adrian, Alistair and Hugh (21 December 2000). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford University Press. p. 677. ISBN 978-0-19-860024-4.
Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one...Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.
- ^ Docherty, James C.; Lamb, Peter, eds. (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (2nd ed.). Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements. 73. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. pp. 1–3. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1.
- ^ Kolb, Robert (19 October 2007). Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society, First Edition. SAGE Publications, Inc. p. 1345. ISBN 978-1-4129-1652-3.
There are many forms of socialism, all of which eliminate private ownership of capital and replace it with collective ownership. These many forms, all focused on advancing distributive justice for long-term social welfare, can be divided into two broad types of socialism: nonmarket and market.
- ^ Bockman, Johanna (2011). Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism. Stanford University Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-8047-7566-3.
socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money.
- ^ Steele, David Ramsay (1999). From Marx to Mises: Post Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court. pp. 175–177. ISBN 978-0-87548-449-5.
Especially before the 1930s, many socialists and anti-socialists implicitly accepted some form of the following for the incompatibility of state-owned industry and factor markets. A market transaction is an exchange of property titles between two independent transactors. Thus internal market exchanges cease when all of industry is brought into the ownership of a single entity, whether the state or some other organization, [...] the discussion applies equally to any form of social or community ownership, where the owning entity is conceived as a single organization or administration.
- ^ Is Socialism Dead? A Comment on Market Socialism and Basic Income Capitalism, by Arneson, Richard J. 1992. Ethics, vol. 102, no. 3, pp. 485–511. April 1992: "Marxian socialism is often identified with the call to organize economic activity on a nonmarket basis."
- ^ Schweickart, David; Lawler, James; Ticktin, Hillel; Ollman, Bertell (1998). Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists. "The Difference Between Marxism and Market Socialism". pp. 61–63. "More fundamentally, a socialist society must be one in which the economy is run on the principle of the direct satisfaction of human needs. [...] Exchange-value, prices and so money are goals in themselves in a capitalist society or in any market. There is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital or sums of money and human welfare. Under conditions of backwardness, the spur of money and the accumulation of wealth has led to a massive growth in industry and technology [...]. It seems an odd argument to say that a capitalist will only be efficient in producing use-value of a good quality when trying to make more money than the next capitalist. It would seem easier to rely on the planning of use-values in a rational way, which because there is no duplication, would be produced more cheaply and be of a higher quality."
- ^ The Economics of Feasible Socialism Revisited, by Nove, Alexander. 1991. p. 13: "Under socialism, by definition, it (private property and factor markets) would be eliminated. There would then be something like 'scientific management', 'the science of socially organized production', but it would not be economics."
- ^ Kotz, David M. "Socialism and Capitalism: Are They Qualitatively Different Socioeconomic Systems?" (PDF). University of Massachusetts. Retrieved 19 February 2011. "This understanding of socialism was held not just by revolutionary Marxist socialists but also by evolutionary socialists, Christian socialists, and even anarchists. At that time, there was also wide agreement about the basic institutions of the future socialist system: public ownership instead of private ownership of the means of production, economic planning instead of market forces, production for use instead of for profit."
- ^ Weisskopf, Thomas E. (1992). "Toward a Socialism for the Future, in the Wake of the Demise of the Socialism of the Past". Review of Radical Political Economics. 24 (3–4): 1–28. doi:10.1177/048661349202400302. "Socialism has historically been committed to the improvement of people's material standards of living. Indeed, in earlier days many socialists saw the promotion of improving material living standards as the primary basis for socialism's claim to superiority over capitalism, for socialism was to overcome the irrationality and inefficiency seen as endemic to a capitalist system of economic organization." (p. 2).
- ^ Prychito, David L. (2002). Markets, Planning, and Democracy: Essays After the Collapse of Communism. Edward Elgar Publishing. p. 12. ISBN 978-1-84064-519-4.
Socialism is a system based upon de facto public or social ownership of the means of production, the abolition of a hierarchical division of labor in the enterprise, a consciously organized social division of labor. Under socialism, money, competitive pricing, and profit-loss accounting would be destroyed.
- ^ Von Mises, Ludwig (1990). Economic calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth (PDF). Mises Institute. Retrieved 11 November 2019.
- ^ Hayek, Friedrich (1935). "The Nature and History of the Problem"; "The Present State of the Debate". Collectivist Economic Planning. pp. 1–40, 201–243.
- ^ Durlauf, Steven N.; Blume, Lawrence E., ed. (1987). The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics Online. Palgrave Macmillan. Retrieved 2 February 2013. doi:10.1057/9780230226203.1570.
- ^ Biddle, Jeff; Samuels, Warren; Davis, John (2006). A Companion to the History of Economic Thought, Wiley-Blackwell. p. 319. "What became known as the socialist calculation debate started when von Mises (1935 ) launched a critique of socialism".
- ^ Levy, David M.; Peart, Sandra J. (2008). "socialist calculation debate". The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Second Edition. Palgrave Macmillan.
- ^ Marangos, John (Fall 2004). "Social Dividend versus Basic Income Guarantee in Market Socialism". International Journal of Political Economy. Taylor & Francis. 34 (3): 20–40. JSTOR 40470892.
- ^ O'Hara, Phillip (2000). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-415-24187-8.
Market socialism is the general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilized to distribute economic output, to organize production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.
- ^ Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. Pennsylvania State Univ Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-271-01478-4.
At the heart of the market socialist model is the abolition of the large-scale private ownership of capital and its replacement by some form of 'social ownership'. Even the most conservative accounts of market socialism insist that this abolition of large-scale holdings of private capital is essential. This requirement is fully consistent with the market socialists' general claim that the vices of market capitalism lie not with the institutions of the market but with (the consequences of) the private ownership of capital [...].
- ^ McNally, David (1993). Against the Market: Political Economy, Market Socialism and the Marxist Critique. Verso. ISBN 978-0-8609-1606-2.
- ^ Kinna, Ruth (2012). "Introduction". In Kinna, Rith; Pinta, Saku; Prichard, Alex (eds.). Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 1–16. ISBN 978-0-230-28037-3.
- ^ Newman, Michael (2005). Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 2. "In fact, socialism has been both centralist and local; organized from above and built from below; visionary and pragmatic; revolutionary and reformist; anti-state and statist; internationalist and nationalist; harnessed to political parties and shunning them; an outgrowth of trade unionism and independent of it; a feature of rich industrialized countries and poor peasant-based communities".
- ^ Ely, Richard T. (1883). French and German Socialism in Modern Times. New York: Harper and Brothers. pp. 204—205. "Social democrats forms the extreme wing of the socialists [...] inclined to lay so much stress on equality of enjoyment, regardless of the value of one's labor, that they might, perhaps, more properly be called communists. [...] They have two distinguishing characteristics. The vast majority of them are laborers, and, as a rule, they expect the violent overthrow of existing institutions by revolution to precede the introduction of the socialistic state. I would not, by any means, say that they are all revolutionists, but the most of them undoubtedly are. [...] The most general demands of the social democrats are the following: The state should exist exclusively for the laborers; land and capital must become collective property, and production be carried on unitedly. Private competition, in the ordinary sense of the term, is to cease."
- ^ Merkel, Wolfgang; Petring, Alexander; Henkes, Christian; Egle, Christoph (2008). Social Democracy in Power: The Capacity to Reform. Routledge Research in Comparative Politics. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-43820-9.
- ^ Heywood, Andrew (2012). Political Ideologies: An Introduction (5th ed.). Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-230-36725-8.
Social democracy is an ideological stance that supports a broad balance between market capitalism, on the one hand, and state intervention, on the other hand. Being based on a compromise between the market and the state, social democracy lacks a systematic underlying theory and is, arguably, inherently vague. It is nevertheless associated with the following views: (1) capitalism is the only reliable means of generating wealth, but it is a morally defective means of distributing wealth because of its tendency towards poverty and inequality; (2) the defects of the capitalist system can be rectified through economic and social intervention, the state being the custodian of the public interest [...].
- ^ Roemer, John E. (1994). A Future for Socialism. "The long term and the short term". Harvard University Press. pp. 25–27. ISBN 978-0-6743-3946-0.
- ^ Berman, Sheri (1998). The Social Democratic Moment. Harvard University Press. p. 57. "Over the long term, however, democratizing Sweden's political system was seen to be important not merely as a means but also as an end in itself. Achieving democracy was crucial not only because it would increase the power of the SAP in the Swedish political system but also because it was the form socialism would take once it arrived. Political, economic, and social equality went hand in hand, according to the SAP, and were all equally important characteristics of the future socialist society." ISBN 978-0-6744-4261-0.
- ^ Busky, Donald F. (20 July 2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0-2759-6886-1.
- ^ Bailey, David J. (2009). The Political Economy of European Social Democracy: A Critical Realist Approach. Routledge. p. 77. "[...] Giorgio Napolitano launched a medium-term programme, 'which tended to justify the governmental deflationary policies, and asked for the understanding of the workers, since any economic recovery would be linked with the long-term goal of an advance towards democratic socialism'". ISBN 978-0-4156-0425-3.
- ^ Lamb, Peter (2015). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (3rd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. p. 415. ISBN 978-1-4422-5826-6.
- ^ Badie, Bertrand; Berg-Schlosser, Dirk; Morlino, Leonardo, eds. (2011). "Social Democracy". International Encyclopedia of Political Science. 8. SAGE Publications. p. 2423. "Social democracy refers to a political tendency resting on three fundamental features: (1) democracy (e.g., equal rights to vote and form parties), (2) an economy partly regulated by the state (e.g., through Keynesianism), and (3) a welfare state offering social support to those in need (e.g., equal rights to education, health service, employment and pensions). ISBN 978-1-4129-5963-6.
- ^ Smith, J. W. (2005). Economic Democracy: The Political Struggle for the 21st century. Radford: Institute for Economic Democracy Press. ISBN 1-933567-01-5.
- ^ Gasper, Phillip (October 2005). The Communist Manifesto: A Road Map to History's Most Important Political Document. Haymarket Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-931859-25-7.
As the nineteenth century progressed, "socialist" came to signify not only concern with the social question, but opposition to capitalism and support for some form of social ownership.
- ^ Anthony Giddens. Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics. 1998 edition. Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press, 1994, 1998. p. 71.
- ^ "Chapter 1 looks at the foundations of the doctrine by examining the contribution made by various traditions of socialism in the period between the early 19th century and the aftermath of the First World War. The two forms that emerged as dominant by the early 1920s were social democracy and communism." Michael Newman. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p. 5.
- ^ Kurian, George Thomas Kurian, ed. (2011). The Encyclopedia of Political Science. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. p. 1554.
- ^ Garrett Ward Sheldon. Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Fact on File. Inc. 2001. p. 280.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (1986). "The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". Chomsky.info. Retrieved 29 January 2020.
- ^ Howard, M. C.; King, J. E. (2001). "'State Capitalism' in the Soviet Union". History of Economics Review. 34 (1): 110–126. doi:10.1080/10370196.2001.11733360.
- ^ Wolff, Richard D. (27 June 2015). "Socialism Means Abolishing the Distinction Between Bosses and Employees". Truthout. Retrieved 29 January 2020.
- ^ Wilhelm, John Howard (1985). "The Soviet Union Has an Administered, Not a Planned, Economy". Soviet Studies. 37 (1): 118–130. doi:10.1080/09668138508411571.
- ^ Ellman, Michael (2007). "The Rise and Fall of Socialist Planning". In Estrin, Saul; Kołodko, Grzegorz W.; Uvalić, Milica (eds.). Transition and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Mario Nuti. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-230-54697-4.
In the USSR in the late 1980s the system was normally referred to as the 'administrative-command' economy. What was fundamental to this system was not the plan but the role of administrative hierarchies at all levels of decision making; the absence of control over decision making by the population [...].
- ^ Barrett, William, ed. (1 April 1978). "Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy: A Symposium". Commentary. Retrieved 14 June 2020. "If we were to extend the definition of socialism to include Labor Britain or socialist Sweden, there would be no difficulty in refuting the connection between capitalism and democracy."
- ^ Heilbroner, Robert L. (Winter 1991). "From Sweden to Socialism: A Small Symposium on Big Questions". Dissident. Barkan, Joanne; Brand, Horst; Cohen, Mitchell; Coser, Lewis; Denitch, Bogdan; Fehèr, Ferenc; Heller, Agnès; Horvat, Branko; Tyler, Gus. pp. 96–110. Retrieved 17 April 2020.
- ^ Kendall, Diana (2011). Sociology in Our Time: The Essentials. Cengage Learning. pp. 125–127. ISBN 9781111305505. "Sweden, Great Britain, and France have mixed economies, sometimes referred to as democratic socialism—an economic and political system that combines private ownership of some of the means of production, governmental distribution of some essential goods and services, and free elections. For example, government ownership in Sweden is limited primarily to railroads, mineral resources, a public bank, and liquor and tobacco operations."
- ^ Li, He (2015). Political Thought and China's Transformation: Ideas Shaping Reform in Post-Mao China. Springer. pp. 60–69. ISBN 9781137427816. "The scholars in camp of democratic socialism believe that China should draw on the Sweden experience, which is suitable not only for the West but also for China. In the post-Mao China, the Chinese intellectuals are confronted with a variety of models. The liberals favor the American model and share the view that the Soviet model has become archaic and should be totally abandoned. Meanwhile, democratic socialism in Sweden provided an alternative model. Its sustained economic development and extensive welfare programs fascinated many. Numerous scholars within the democratic socialist camp argue that China should model itself politically and economically on Sweden, which is viewed as more genuinely socialist than China. There is a growing consensus among them that in the Nordic countries the welfare state has been extraordinarily successful in eliminating poverty."
- ^ Andrew Vincent (2010). Modern Political Ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-5495-6 p. 83.
- ^ "socialism (n.)". etymonline. Online Etymology Dictionary. Retrieved 3 May 2021.
- ^ Leszek Kołakowski (2005). Main Currents of Marxism: The Founders, the Golden Age, the Breakdown. W.W. Norton. p. 151. ISBN 978-0-393-06054-6.
- ^ a b Marvin Perry, Myrna Chase, Margaret Jacob, James R. Jacob. Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society – From 1600, Volume 2. Ninth Edition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2009. p. 540.
- ^ Gregory, Paul; Stuart, Robert (2013). The Global Economy and its Economic Systems. South-Western College Publishing. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-285-05535-0.
Socialist writers of the nineteenth century proposed socialist arrangements for sharing as a response to the inequality and poverty of the industrial revolution. English socialist Robert Owen proposed that ownership and production take place in cooperatives, where all members shared equally. French socialist Henri Saint-Simon proposed to the contrary: socialism meant solving economic problems by means of state administration and planning, and taking advantage of new advances in science.
- ^ Oxford English Dictionary, etymology of socialism
- ^ Russell, Bertrand (1972). A History of Western Philosophy. Touchstone. p. 781
- ^ Williams, Raymond (1983). "Socialism". Keywords: A vocabulary of culture and society, revised edition. Oxford University Press. p. 288. ISBN 978-0-19-520469-8.
Modern usage began to settle from the 1860s, and in spite of the earlier variations and distinctions it was socialist and socialism which came through as the predominant words ... Communist, in spite of the distinction that had been made in the 1840s, was very much less used, and parties in the Marxist tradition took some variant of social and socialist as titles.
- ^ Steele, David (1992). From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court Publishing Company. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-87548-449-5.
One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.
- ^ Steele, David (1992). From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court Publishing Company. pp. 44–45. ISBN 978-0-87548-449-5.
By 1888, the term 'socialism' was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped 'communism', now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as 'socialism'. [...] At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists. [...] The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917. [...] the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution.
- ^ Busky, Donald F. (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-275-96886-1.
In a modern sense of the word, communism refers to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism.
- ^ Williams, Raymond (1983). "Socialism". Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (revised ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-19-520469-8.
The decisive distinction between socialist and communist, as in one sense these terms are now ordinarily used, came with the renaming, in 1918, of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) as the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). From that time on, a distinction of socialist from communist, often with supporting definitions such as social democrat or democratic socialist, became widely current, although it is significant that all communist parties, in line with earlier usage, continued to describe themselves as socialist and dedicated to socialism.
- ^ Hudis, Peter; Vidal, Matt, Smith, Tony; Rotta, Tomás; Prew, Paul, eds. (September 2018 – June 2019). The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx. "Marx's Concept of Socialism". Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-069554-5. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.001.0001.
- ^ Williams, Raymond (1976). Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. Fontana. ISBN 978-0-00-633479-8.
- ^ Engels, Frederick, Preface to the 1888 English Edition of the Communist Manifesto, p. 202. Penguin (2002).
- ^ Wilson, Fred. "John Stuart Mill". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 10 July 2007. Retrieved 2 August 2016.
- ^ "Mill, in contrast, advances a form of liberal democratic socialism for the enlargement of freedom as well as to realise social and distributive justice. He offers a powerful account of economic injustice and justice that is centered on his understanding of freedom and its conditions." Bruce Baum, "[J. S. Mill and Liberal Socialism]", Nadia Urbanati and Alex Zacharas, eds., J.S. Mill's Political Thought: A Bicentennial Reassessment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
- ^ Principles of Political Economy with Some of Their Applications to Social Philosophy, IV.7.21. John Stuart Mill: Political Economy, IV.7.21. "The form of association, however, which if mankind continue to improve, must be expected in the end to predominate, is not that which can exist between a capitalist as chief, and work-people without a voice in the management, but the association of the labourers themselves on terms of equality, collectively owning the capital with which they carry on their operations, and working under managers elected and removable by themselves."
- ^ Robert Gildea, "1848 in European Collective Memory", in Evans and Strandmann, eds. The Revolutions in Europe, 1848–1849 pp. 207–235.
- ^ Roger Boesche (2003). The First Great Political Realist: Kautilya and His Arthashastra. Lexington Books. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-7391-0607-5.
- ^ Radhakumud Mookerji. Chandragupta Maurya and His Times. Motilal Banarsidass. p. 102.
Kautiliya polity was based on a considerable amount of socialism and nationalisation of industries.
- ^ pp. 276–77, A.E. Taylor, Plato: The Man and His Work, Dover 2001.
- ^ p. 257, W. D. Ross, Aristotle, 6th ed.
- ^ A Short History of the World. Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1974
- ^ Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. New York: Oxford University Press. 1995. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-19-506613-5. OCLC 94030758.
- ^ "Abu Dharr al-Ghifari". Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Retrieved 23 January 2010.
- ^ And Once Again Abu Dharr. Retrieved 15 August 2011.
- ^ Hanna, Sami A.; George H. Gardner (1969). Arab Socialism: A Documentary Survey. Leiden: E.J. Brill. pp. 273–74.
- ^ Hanna, Sami A. (1969). "al-Takaful al-Ijtimai and Islamic Socialism". The Muslim World. 59 (3–4): 275–86. doi:10.1111/j.1478-1913.1969.tb02639.x. Archived from the original on 13 September 2010.
- ^ The Gospels, by Terry Eagleton, 2007
- ^ "Labour revives faith in Christian Socialism". 21 May 1994.
- ^ a b Thomas Kurian (ed). The Encyclopedia of Political Science CQ Press. Washington D.c. 2011. p. 1555
- ^ Paine, Thomas (2004). Common sense [with] Agrarian justice. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-101890-9. pp. 92–93.
- ^ Blaug, Mark (1986). Who's Who in Economics: A Biographical Dictionary of Major Economists 1700–1986. The MIT Press. p. 358. ISBN 978-0-262-02256-9.
- ^ Bonnett, Alastair (2007). "The Other Rights of Man: The Revolutionary Plan of Thomas Spence". History Today. 57 (9): 42–48.
- ^ Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. p. 88.
- ^ Nik Brandal, Øivind Bratberg and Dag Einar Thorsen. The Nordic Model of Social Democracy. Pallgrave-Macmillan. 2013. p. 20.
- ^ a b "socialism". Encyclopedia Britannica.
- ^ "Socialism". Encyclopedia Britannica Online. "The origins of socialism as a political movement lie in the Industrial Revolution."
- ^ a b c "Adam Smith". Fsmitha.com. Retrieved 2 June 2010.
- ^ "2: Birth of the Socialist Idea". Anu.edu.au. Archived from the original on 7 August 2006. Retrieved 2 June 2010.
- ^ a b c Newman, Michael. (2005) Socialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-280431-6
- ^ "In Fourier's system of Harmony all creative activity including industry, craft, agriculture, etc. will arise from liberated passion—this is the famous theory of "attractive labour." Fourier sexualises work itself—the life of the Phalanstery is a continual orgy of intense feeling, intellection, & activity, a society of lovers & wild enthusiasts....The Harmonian does not live with some 1600 people under one roof because of compulsion or altruism, but because of the sheer pleasure of all the social, sexual, economic, "gastrosophic," cultural, & creative relations this association allows & encourages"."The Lemonade Ocean & Modern Times A Position Paper by Hakim Bey
- ^ Rougerie, Jacques, La Commune de Paris. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. ISBN 978-2-13-062078-5.
- ^ a b Milza, Pierre, La Commune.
- ^ Blin, Arnaud (2007). The History of Terrorism. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 116. ISBN 978-0-520-24709-3.
- ^ "It is unnecessary to repeat the accounts of the Geneva and Hague Congresses of the International in which the issues between Marx and Bakunin were fought out and the organisation itself split apart into the dying Marxist rump centered around the New York General Council and the anti-authoritarian majority centred around the Bakuninist Jura Federation. But it is desirable to consider some of the factors underlying the final emergence of a predominantly anarchist International in 1872." George Woodcock. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (1962). p. 243.
- ^ Errico Malatesta. "A Talk About Anarchist Communism Between Two Workers". Anarchy Archives. Archived from the original on 10 January 2010. Retrieved 14 April 2016.
- ^ Nunzio Pernicone, "Italian Anarchism 1864–1892", pp. 111–13, AK Press 2009.
- ^ James Guillaume, "Michael Bakunin – A Biographical Sketch"
- ^ a b c d "Socialism" at Encyclopedia Britannica.
- ^ "Syndicalism – Definition and More from the Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary". merriam-webster.com.
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[...] a US Embassy official in Jakarta, Robert Martens, had supplied the Indonesian Army with lists containing the names of thousands of PKI officials in the months after the alleged coup attempt. According to the journalist Kathy Kadane, 'As many as 5,000 names were furnished over a period of months to the Army there, and the Americans later checked off the names of those who had been killed or captured.' Despite Martens later denials of any such intent, these actions almost certainly aided in the death or detention of many innocent people. They also sent a powerful message that the US government agreed with and supported the army's campaign against the PKI, even as that campaign took its terrible toll in human lives.
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Washington did everything in its power to encourage and facilitate the army-led massacre of alleged PKI members, and U.S. officials worried only that the killing of the party's unarmed supporters might not go far enough, permitting Sukarno to return to power and frustrate the [Johnson] Administration's emerging plans for a post-Sukarno Indonesia.
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So, what is the balance sheet of transition? Only three or at most five or six countries could be said to be on the road to becoming a part of the rich and (relatively) stable capitalist world. Many of the other countries are falling behind, and some are so far behind that they cannot aspire to go back to the point where they were when the Wall fell for several decades.
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A 2009 poll in eight east European countries asked if the economic situation for ordinary people was 'better, worse or about the same as it was under communism'. The results stunned observers: 72 per cent of Hungarians, and 62 per cent of both Ukrainians and Bulgarians believed that most people were worse off after 1989. In no country did more than 47 per cent of those surveyed agree that their lives improved after the advent of free markets. Subsequent polls and qualitative research across Russia and eastern Europe confirm the persistence of these sentiments as popular discontent with the failed promises of free-market prosperity has grown, especially among older people.
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Socialism is not "the government should provide healthcare" or "the rich should be taxed more" nor any of the other watery social-democratic positions that the American right likes to demonise by calling them "socialist"—and granted, it is chiefly the right that does so, but the fact that rightists are so rarely confronted and ridiculed for it means that they have successfully muddied the political discourse to the point where an awful lot of Americans have only the flimsiest grasp of what socialism is. And that, in a country that sent tens of thousands of men to die fighting socialism, is frankly an insult to those dead soldiers' memories.
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South America, a historical bastion of populism, has always had a penchant for the left, but the continent's predilection for unsustainable welfarism might be approaching a dramatic end. ... This "pink tide" also included the rise of populist ideologies in some of these countries, such as Kirchnerismo in Argentina, Chavismo in Venezuela, and Lulopetismo in Brazil.
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The wrong left, by contrast, was said to be populist, old-fashioned, and irresponsible ...
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... the populous of Latin America are voting in the Pink Tide governments that struggle with reform while being prone to populism and authoritarianism.
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The individual is largely a product of his environment and much of his conduct and behavior is the reflex of getting a living in a particular stage of society.
- ^ Ferri, Enrico, "Socialism and Modern Science", in Evolution and Socialism (1912), p. 79. "Upon what point are orthodox political economy and socialism in absolute conflict? Political economy has held and holds that the economic laws governing the production and distribution of wealth which it has established are natural laws ... not in the sense that they are laws naturally determined by the condition of the social organism (which would be correct), but that they are absolute laws, that is to say that they apply to humanity at all times and in all places, and consequently, that they are immutable in their principal points, though they may be subject to modification in details. Scientific socialism holds, the contrary, that the laws established by classical political economy, since the time of Adam Smith, are laws peculiar to the present period in the history of civilized humanity, and that they are, consequently, laws essentially relative to the period of their analysis and discovery."
- ^ Russell, Bertrand (1932). "In Praise of Idleness".
- ^ Bhargava. Political Theory: An Introduction. Pearson Education India, 2008. p. 249.
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The free development of individualities, and hence not the reduction of necessary labour time so as to posit surplus labour, but rather the general reduction of the necessary labour of society to a minimum, which then corresponds to the artistic, scientific etc. development of the individuals in the time set free, and with the means created, for all of them.
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- ^ a b Marx and Engels Selected Works, Lawrence and Wishart, 1968, p. 40. Capitalist property relations put a "fetter" on the productive forces.
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- ^ 'socialism' in Encyclopædia Britannica (2009) Retrieved 14 October 2009, from www.britannica.com, Encyclopædia Britannica Online: "Main" summary: "Socialists complain that capitalism necessarily leads to unfair and exploitative concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of the relative few who emerge victorious from free-market competition—people who then use their wealth and power to reinforce their dominance in society."
- ^ a b Karl Marx, Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, 1859
- ^ Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, 2003, by Gregory and Stuart. p. 62, Marx's Theory of Change. ISBN 0-618-26181-8.
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- ^ Berlau 1949, p. 21.
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It should not be forgotten, however, that in the period of the Second International, some of the reformist currents of Marxism, as well as some of the extreme left-wing ones, not to speak of the anarchist groups, had already criticised the view that State ownership and central planning is the best road to socialism. But with the victory of Leninism in Russia, all dissent was silenced, and socialism became identified with 'democratic centralism', 'central planning', and State ownership of the means of production.
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But there are still others (concepts and institutions) which by virtue of their nature cannot stand transplantation and always carry the flavor of a particular institutional framework. It is extremely dangerous, in fact it amounts to a distortion of historical description, to use them beyond the social world or culture whose denizens they are. Now ownership or property—also, so I believe, taxation—are such denizens of the world of commercial society, exactly as knights and fiefs are denizens of the feudal world. But so is the state (a denizen of commercial society).
- ^ "Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism". Public Broadcasting System. Retrieved 15 December 2011.
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According to nineteenth-century socialist views, socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money.
- ^ Gregory and Stuart, Paul and Robert (2004). Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, Seventh Edition: "Socialist Economy". George Hoffman. p. 117. ISBN 978-0-618-26181-9.
In such a setting, information problems are not serious, and engineers rather than economists can resolve the issue of factor proportions.
- ^ O'Hara, Phillip (2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-415-24187-8.
Market socialism is a general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilised to distribute economic output, to organise production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.
- ^ Stiglitz, Joseph (1996). Whither Socialism?. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-69182-6.
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- ^ Ludwig Von Mises, Socialism, p. 119
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- ^ Leon Trotsky: The Revolution Betrayed (1936). Full Text. Chapter 4: "Having lost its ability to bring happiness or trample men in the dust, money will turn into mere bookkeeping receipts for the convenience of statisticians and for planning purposes. In the still more distant future, probably these receipts will not be needed."
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Several authors of the most diverse political views have stated that there is in fact no planning in the Soviet Union: Eugene Zaleski, J. Wilhelm, Hillel Ticktin. They all in their very different ways note the fact that plans are often (usually) unfulfilled, that information flows are distorted, that plan-instructions are the subject of bargaining, that there are many distortions and inconsistencies, indeed that (as many sources attest) plans are frequently altered within the period to which they are supposed to apply [...̟].
- ^ Writings 1932–33, p. 96, Leon Trotsky.
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- ^ Sinclair, Upton (1 January 1918). Upton Sinclair's: A Monthly Magazine: for Social Justice, by Peaceful Means If Possible.
- ^ O'Hara, Phillip (2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-0-415-24187-8.
One finds favorable opinions of cooperatives also among other great economists of the past, such as, for example, John Stuart Mill and Alfred Marshall...In eliminating the domination of capital over labour, firms run by workers eliminate capitalist exploitation and reduce alienation.
- ^ a b "Guild Socialism". Britannica.com. Retrieved 11 October 2013.
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- ^ Estrin, Saul. 1991. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism." Journal of Economic Perspectives, 5(4): 187–94.
- ^ Wolff, Richard D. (2012). Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism. Haymarket Books. ISBN 1-60846-247-1. pp. 13–14. "The disappearances of slaves and masters and lords and serfs would now be replicated by the disappearance of capitalists and workers. Such oppositional categories would no longer apply to the relationships of production, Instead, workers would become their own collective bosses. The two categories—employer and employee—would be integrated in the same individuals."
- ^ Wolff, Richard (24 June 2012). Yes, there is an alternative to capitalism: Mondragon shows the way. The Guardian. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
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- ^ Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, 2003, by Gregory and Stuart. ISBN 0-618-26181-8. p. 142: "It is an economic system that combines social ownership of capital with market allocation of capital...The state owns the means of production, and returns accrue to society at large."
- ^ Bockman, Johanna (2011). Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism. Stanford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-8047-7566-3.
For Walras, socialism would provide the necessary institutions for free competition and social justice. Socialism, in Walras's view, entailed state ownership of land and natural resources and the abolition of income taxes. As owner of land and natural resources, the state could then lease these resources to many individuals and groups, which would eliminate monopolies and thus enable free competition. The leasing of land and natural resources would also provide enough state revenue to make income taxes unnecessary, allowing a worker to invest his savings and become 'an owner or capitalist at the same time that he remains a worker.
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- ^ "ANARCHISM, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies." George Woodcock. "Anarchism" at The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
- ^ "In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions." Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica]
- ^ "Anarchism." The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2005. p. 14 "Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable."
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The IAF – IFA fights for : the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.
- ^ "as many anarchists have stressed, it is not government as such that they find objectionable, but the hierarchical forms of government associated with the nation state." Judith Suissa. Anarchism and Education: a Philosophical Perspective. Routledge. New York. 2006. p. 7
- ^ "That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organisation and preaches free agreement—at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist." Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal". Archived 18 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "anarchists are opposed to irrational (e.g., illegitimate) authority, in other words, hierarchy—hierarchy being the institutionalisation of authority within a society." "B.1 Why are anarchists against authority and hierarchy?" Archived 15 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine. In An Anarchist FAQ.
- ^ Malatesta, Errico. "Towards Anarchism". MAN!. OCLC 3930443. Archived from the original on 7 November 2012. Agrell, Siri (14 May 2007). "Working for The Man". The Globe and Mail. Archived from the original on 16 May 2007. Retrieved 14 April 2008. "Anarchism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. 2006. Archived from the original on 14 December 2006. Retrieved 29 August 2006. "Anarchism". The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy: 14. 2005.
Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable.The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy:Mclaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority. Aldershot: Ashgate. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-7546-6196-2. Johnston, R. (2000). The Dictionary of Human Geography. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-631-20561-6.
- ^ Slevin, Carl. "Anarchism." The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003.
- ^ "Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell anarchism short."Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 28
- ^ a b "Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations." Emma Goldman. "What it Really Stands for Anarchy" in Anarchism and Other Essays.
- ^ Ward, Colin (1966). "Anarchism as a Theory of Organization". Archived from the original on 25 March 2010. Retrieved 1 March 2010.
- ^ Brown, L. Susan (2002). "Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism". The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism. Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing. p. 106.
- ^ "Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 1
- ^ Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left,—follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism ... Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." Benjamin Tucker. Individual Liberty.
- ^ Anarchist historian George Woodcock report of Mikhail Bakunin's anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9) ... Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Bern Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."
- ^ a b McKay, Iain, ed. (2008). "Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron?". An Anarchist FAQ. I. Stirling: AK Press. ISBN 978-1-902593-90-6. OCLC 182529204.
- ^ Hahnel, Robin (2005). Economic Justice and Democracy. Routledge Press. p. 138. ISBN 0-415-93344-7.
- ^ Lesigne (1887). "Socialistic Letters" Archived 7 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Le Radical. Retrieved 20 June 2020.
- ^ Tucker, Benjamin (1911) . State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. Fifield.
- ^ Tucker, Benjamin (1893). Instead of a Book by a Man Too Busy to Write One. pp. 363–364.
- ^ Brown, Susan Love (1997). "The Free Market as Salvation from Government". In Carrier, James G., ed. Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture. Berg Publishers. p. 107. ISBN 978-1-85973-149-9.
- ^ Newman, Michael (2005). Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. p. 15. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280431-0.
- ^ Marshall, Peter (1992). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Collins. p. 641. ISBN 978-0-00-217855-6.
- ^ Franklin, Robert Michael (1990). Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought. Fortress Press. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-8006-2392-0.
- ^ Peter Dreier (20 January 2014). Martin Luther King Was a Radical, Not a Saint. Truthout. Retrieved 20 January 2014.
- ^ Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou (20 January 2014). The radical gospel of Martin Luther King. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved 20 January 2014.
- ^ This definition is captured in this statement by Anthony Crosland, who "argued that the socialisms of the pre-war world (not just that of the Marxists, but of the democratic socialists too) were now increasingly irrelevant". Pierson, Chris (June 2005). "Lost property: What the Third Way lacks". Journal of Political Ideologies. 10 (2): 145–63. doi:10.1080/13569310500097265. S2CID 144916176. Other texts which use the terms democratic socialism in this way include Malcolm Hamilton Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden (St Martin's Press 1989).
- ^ Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. University Park, Pennsylvania: Penn State Press. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-271-01479-1.
- ^ Eatwell, Roger; Wright, Anthony (1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies (2nd ed.). London: Continuum. pp. 80–103. ISBN 978-1-85567-605-3.
- ^ Newman, Michael (2005). Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-19-280431-0.
- ^ Raza, Syed Ali. Social Democratic System. Global Peace Trust. p. 86. ISBN 978-969-9757-00-6.
- ^ O'Reilly, David (12 April 2007). The New Progressive Dilemma: Australia and Tony Blair's Legacy. Springer. p. 91. ISBN 978-0-230-62547-1.
- ^ Gage, Beverly (17 July 2018). "America Can Never Sort Out Whether 'Socialism' Is Marginal or Rising". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 September 2018.
- ^ Brandal, Nik. (2013). The Nordic model of social democracy. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-137-01327-9. OCLC 964790706.
- ^ a b Busky, Donald F. (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 8.
- ^ Sejersted, Francis, 1936– (2011). The age of social democracy : Norway and Sweden in the twentieth century. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14774-1. OCLC 762965992.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- ^ Mander, Jerry (2012). The Capitalism Papers: Fatal Flaws of an Obsolete System. Counterpoint. pp. 213–217. ISBN 978-1-58243-717-0.
- ^ Brown, Andrew (12 September 2014). "Who are Europe's happiest people – progressives or conservatives?". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ Eskow, Richard (15 October 2014). "New Study Finds Big Government Makes People Happy, "Free Markets" Don't". OurFuture.org by People's Action. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ Radcliff, Benjamin. "Opinion: Social safety net makes people happier". CNN. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ "World's Happiest Countries? Social Democracies". Common Dreams. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ "Social democracy". Britannica.com. Retrieved 12 October 2013.
- ^ Michael Newman (2005). Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. OUP Oxford. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-19-157789-5.
- ^ a b c Meyer. sfn error: no target: CITEREFMeyer (help)
- ^ Colby, Ira C. (Colby, Ira Christopher), (ed.) Dulmus, Catherine N., (ed.) Sowers, Karen M. (Sowers, Karen Marlaine), (ed.) (2013). Connecting social welfare policy to fields of practice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 29. ISBN 978-1-118-17700-6. OCLC 827894277.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- ^ Upchurch, Martin, 1951– (2016). The crisis of social democratic trade unionism in Western Europe : the search for alternatives. Routledge. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-315-61514-1. OCLC 948604973.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- ^ Berman, Sheri (2006). The Primacy of Politics: Social Democracy and the Making of Europe's Twentieth Century. Cambridge University Press. p. 153. ISBN 978-0-521-81799-8.
- ^ Schweickart, David (2006). "Democratic Socialism". Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice. Archived from the original on 17 June 2012. "Social democrats supported and tried to strengthen the basic institutions of the welfare state—pensions for all, public health care, public education, unemployment insurance. They supported and tried to strengthen the labour movement. The latter, as socialists, argued that capitalism could never be sufficiently humanised, and that trying to suppress the economic contradictions in one area would only see them emerge in a different guise elsewhere. (E.g., if you push unemployment too low, you'll get inflation; if job security is too strong, labour discipline breaks down; etc.)"
- ^ Thompson 2006, pp. 52, 58–59.
- ^ Orlow 2000, p. 190 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFOrlow2000 (help); Tansey & Jackson 2008, p. 97 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFTanseyJackson2008 (help).
- ^ a b Gaus & Kukathas 2004, p. 420.
- ^ Adams, Ian (1998). Ideology and Politics in Britain Today. Manchester University Press. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-7190-5056-5.
- ^ Pugliese, Stanislao G., 1965- (1999). Carlo Rosselli : socialist heretic and antifascist exile. Harvard University Press. p. 99. OCLC 1029276342.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- ^ Thompson, Noel W. (2006). Political economy and the Labour Party : the economics of democratic socialism 1884–2005. Routledge. pp. 60–61. OCLC 300363066.
- ^ Lamb & Docherty 2006, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Bartlett, Roland W. (1970). The success of modern private enterprise. The Interstate Printers and Publishers. p. 32. OCLC 878037469.
Liberal socialism, for example, is unequivocally in favour of the free market economy and of freedom of action for the individual and recognizes in legalistic and artificial monopolies the real evils of capitalism.
- ^ a b c Bastow, Steve. (2003). Third way discourse : European ideologies in the twentieth century. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-1560-1. OCLC 899035345.
- ^ Urbinati, Nadia, 1955– Zakaras, Alex, 1976– (2007). J.S. Mill's political thought : a bicentennial reassessment. Cambridge University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-511-27472-5. OCLC 252535635.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- ^ WisdomSupreme.com definition of Blanquism Archived 29 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine, last retrieved 25 April 2007
- ^ NewYouth.com entry for Blanquism Archived 21 August 2008 at the Wayback Machine, last retrieved 25 April 2007
- ^ Lenin (1917). "The State and Revolution".
- ^ Rosa Luxemburg as part of a longer section on Blanquism in her "Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy" (later published as "Leninism or Marxism?"), writes: "For Lenin, the difference between the Social democracy and Blanquism is reduced to the observation that in place of a handful of conspirators we have a class-conscious proletariat. He forgets that this difference implies a complete revision of our ideas on organisation and, therefore, an entirely different conception of centralism and the relations existing between the party and the struggle itself. Blanquism did not count on the direct action of the working class. It, therefore, did not need to organise the people for the revolution. The people were expected to play their part only at the moment of revolution. Preparation for the revolution concerned only the little group of revolutionists armed for the coup. Indeed, to assure the success of the revolutionary conspiracy, it was considered wiser to keep the mass at some distance from the conspirators.Rosa Luxemburg, Leninism or Marxism? Archived 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine, Marx.org Archived 28 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine, last retrieved 25 April 2007
- ^ Marxism–Leninism. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company.
- ^ Draper, Hal (1970) . Two Souls of Socialism (revised ed.). Highland Park, Michigan: International Socialists. Archived from the original on 20 January 2016. Retrieved 20 January 2016.
- ^ Young, James D. (1988). Socialism Since 1889: A Biographical History. Totowa: Barnes & Noble Books. ISBN 978-0-389-20813-6.
- ^ Young, James D. (1988). Socialism Since 1889: A Biographical History. Totowa: Barnes & Noble Books. ISBN 978-0-389-20813-6.
- ^ Draper, Hal (1970) . Two Souls of Socialism (revised ed.). Highland Park, Michigan: International Socialists. Archived from the original on 20 January 2016. Retrieved 20 January 2016.
We have mentioned several cases of this conviction that socialism is the business of a new ruling minority, non-capitalist in nature and therefore guaranteed pure, imposing its own domination either temporarily (for a mere historical era) or even permanently. In either case, this new ruling class is likely to see its goal as an Education Dictatorship over the masses — to Do Them Good, of course — the dictatorship being exercised by an elite party which suppresses all control from below, or by benevolent despots or Savior-Leaders of some kind, or by Shaw's "Supermen," by eugenic manipulators, by Proudhon's "anarchist" managers or Saint-Simon's technocrats or their more modern equivalents — with up-to-date terms and new verbal screens which can be hailed as fresh social theory as against "nineteenth-century Marxism.
- ^ Lipow, Arthur (1991). Authoritarian Socialism in America: Edward Bellamy and the Nationalist Movement. University of California Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-520-07543-6.
- ^ "150 years of Libertarian". theanarchistlibrary.org.
- ^ Joseph Déjacque, De l'être-humain mâle et femelle – Lettre à P.J. Proudhon par Joseph Déjacque (in French)
- ^ Bookchin, Murray and Janet Biehl. The Murray Bookchin Reader. Cassell, 1997. p. 170 ISBN 0-304-33873-7
- ^ Hicks, Steven V. and Daniel E. Shannon. The American journal of economics and sociolology. Blackwell Pub, 2003. p. 612
- ^ Ostergaard, Geoffrey. "Anarchism". A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell Publishing, 1991. p. 21.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (2004). Language and Politics. In Otero, Carlos Peregrín. AK Press. p. 739
- ^ Miller, Wilbur R. (2012). The social history of crime and punishment in America. An encyclopedia. 5 vols. London: Sage Publications. p. 1007. ISBN 1-4129-8876-4. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and ..."
- ^ "It implies a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs" I.1 Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron? Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine at An Anarchist FAQ
- ^ "unlike other socialists, they tend to see (to various different degrees, depending on the thinker) to be skeptical of centralised state intervention as the solution to capitalist exploitation..." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
- ^ "Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism" indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly, libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must oppose the state." "I1. Isn´t libertarian socialism an oxymoron". Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine. In An Anarchist FAQ.
- ^ a b "So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and control of the economy, along with the state as such. Through workers' self-management it proposes to bring an end to authority, exploitation, and hierarchy in production." "I1. Isn´t libertarian socialism an oxymoron" in Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine An Anarchist FAQ
- ^ " ...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations. Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
- ^ Mendes, Silva. Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo Vol. 1 (1896): "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of private property (while retaining respect for personal property) and liberty by abolition of authority".
- ^ "...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local, voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations-sometimes as a complement to and check on state power..."
- ^ Rocker, Rudolf (2004). Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. AK Press. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-902593-92-0.
- ^ Leval, Gaston (1959). "Libertarian Socialism: A Practical Outline". Libcom.org. Retrieved 22 August 2020.
- ^ "LibSoc share with LibCap an aversion to any interference to freedom of thought, expression or choice of lifestyle." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. p 305
- ^ "What is implied by the term 'libertarian socialism'?: The idea that socialism is first and foremost about freedom and therefore about overcoming the domination, repression, and alienation that block the free flow of human creativity, thought, and action...An approach to socialism that incorporates cultural revolution, women's and children's liberation, and the critique and transformation of daily life, as well as the more traditional concerns of socialist politics. A politics that is completely revolutionary because it seeks to transform all of reality. We do not think that capturing the economy and the state lead automatically to the transformation of the rest of social being, nor do we equate liberation with changing our life-styles and our heads. Capitalism is a total system that invades all areas of life: socialism must be the overcoming of capitalist reality in its entirety, or it is nothing." "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of The Red Menace.
- ^ "The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". chomsky.info. Retrieved 22 November 2015.
Libertarian socialism, furthermore, does not limit its aims to democratic control by producers over production, but seeks to abolish all forms of domination and hierarchy in every aspect of social and personal life, an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.
- ^ "Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explred in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation. "Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 1
- ^ "It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like [Adam] Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west. John O´Neil." The Market: Ethics, knowledge and politics. Routledge. 1998. p. 3
- ^ Sims, Franwa (2006). The Anacostia Diaries As It Is. Lulu Press. p. 160.
- ^ "(Benjamin) Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism." An Anarchist FAQ by Various Authors
- ^ French individualist anarchist Émile Armand shows clearly opposition to capitalism and centralised economies when he said that the individualist anarchist "inwardly he remains refractory—fatally refractory—morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)""Anarchist Individualism as a Life and Activity" by Emile Armand
- ^ Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the United States "of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist"Peter Sabatini. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy"
- ^ "A.4. Are Mutalists Socialists?". mutualist.org. Archived from the original on 9 June 2009.
- ^ Murray Bookchin, Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism; Robert Graham, The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution
- ^ Kent Bromley, in his preface to Peter Kropotkin's book The Conquest of Bread, considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of [François-Noël] Babeuf and [Philippe] Buonarroti]]." Kropotkin, Peter. The Conquest of Bread, preface by Kent Bromley, New York and London, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.
- ^ "What is Socialist Feminism? – The Feminist eZine". www.feministezine.com. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
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- ^ Stokes, John (2000). Eleanor Marx (1855–1898): Life, Work, Contacts. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-0113-5.
- ^ "Clara Zetkin: On a Bourgeois Feminist Petition". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
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- ^ "The Social Basis of the Woman Question by Alexandra Kollontai 1909". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ "Women Workers Struggle For Their Rights by Alexandra Kollontai 1919". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
- ^ Dark Star Collective. (2012). Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (ed.). Quiet rumours: an anarcha-feminist reader. AK Press/Dark Star. p. 9. ISBN 978-1-84935-103-4. OCLC 835894204.
- ^ Ackelsberg, Martha A. (2005). Free Women of Spain : anarchism and the struggle for the emancipation of women. AK Press. ISBN 1-902593-96-0. OCLC 884001264.
- ^ Davenport, Sue; Strobel, Margaret (1999). "The Chicago Women's Liberation Union: An Introduction". The CWLU Herstory Website. University of Illinois. Archived from the original on 4 November 2011. Retrieved 25 November 2011.
- ^ Desbazeille, Michèle Madonna (1990). "Le Nouveau Monde amoureux de Charles Fourier : une écriture passionnée de la rencontre". Romantisme. 20 (68): 97–110. doi:10.3406/roman.1990.6129. ISSN 0048-8593.
- ^ Charles Fourier, Le Nouveau Monde amoureux (written 1816–18, not published widely until 1967: Paris: Éditions Anthropos). pp. 389, 391, 429, 458, 459, 462, and 463.
- ^ McKenna, Neil (5 March 2009). The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-7867-3492-4. According to McKenna, Wilde was part of a secret organisation that aimed to legalise homosexuality, and was known among the group as a leader of "the Cause".
- ^ Flood, Michael, 19..- ... (2013). International encyclopedia of men and masculinities. Routledge. p. 315. ISBN 978-0-415-86454-1. OCLC 897581763.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
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- ^ "Mattachine Society at Dynes, Wayne R. (ed.)" (PDF). Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 April 2012. Retrieved 10 March 2014.
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- ^ Clark, John P. (1984). The Anarchist Moment: Reflections on Culture, Nature, and Power. Black Rose Books. ISBN 978-0-920057-08-7.
- ^ Benton, Ted (1996). The greening of marxism. The Guilford Press. ISBN 1-57230-119-8. OCLC 468837567.
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Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por John Zerzan. Para George Woodcock, esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX.
- ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 25 October 2012. Retrieved 11 October 2013.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
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- ^ "La Insumisión voluntaria. El Anarquismo individualista Español durante la Dictadura i la Segunda República (1923–1938) by Xavier Diez". Archived from the original on 26 May 2006.
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- ^ Mellor, Mary. (1992). Breaking the boundaries : towards a feminist green socialism. Virago Press. ISBN 1-85381-200-5. OCLC 728578769.
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